It's worth remembering that this has been a tactic long used by the US far right. Here's an example from 1959. Robert Edmundson, one of the US's most virulent antisemites & Nazi sympathizers died in Bend, Oregon (pop 12,000). The paper printed a critical opinion piece about him.
Over the next few weeks the paper received hundreds of pieces of mail from across the country attacking them for their decision. One of the nation's leading antisemitic periodicals had encouraged readers to write to the editors of the Bend Bulletin.
Eventually the editor of the humble Bend Bulletin finally said "enough already" and stopped printing those replies, in part because they were just filled with racist and antisemitic bile, as well as thinly veiled death threats.
A small sampling of the sorts of letters they received from the American deplorables of the late 1950s. CW: racist language.
This tactic was adopted by the Oregon far right activist I'm currently researching, Walter Huss. He represented a small but vocal segment of far right Oregonians who he could activate to engage in coordinated letter-writing campaigns.
I've spoken with a researcher who was given access to the avalanche of angry letters President Fleming received in 1964. For Huss, this was part of his broader project to destroy institutions like higher ed & the mainstream press wch he thot were part of the communist conspiracy.
It's important to note that the right wingers harassing journalists today on social media are, like the supporters of Huss and Edmondson were in their day, are just a handful of people trying to maximize their impact by giving the impression that they are legion.
They draw upon existing, dominant values (anti-communism, anti-child trafficking, etc.) to claim that it's those values motivating their harassment, but it's not and they know it, and the people on the receiving end know it. But their goal is to deceive the unwitting public.
Their other goal is to raise the costs of working on behalf of the public as either a college President or a journalist. Make those jobs so annoying and onerous, gum up the institutional works, so as to weaken and eventually destroy those institutions.
Coordinated letter-writing campaigns are a tactic that political movements across the spectrum have used. What made the far right campaigns different is that they tried to not just change public opinion, but also to undermine the institutional structures of liberal democracy.
If you want to get a taste of Edmondson's Nazi bile that those writers to the Bend Bulletin were defending, some of his pamphlets can be read through the US Holocaust Memorial's website. collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog…
I would contrast the far right, coordinated letter writing campaign with the sort of work Oregon's Edith Phetteplace engaged in for several decades. Dozens of times per year she would write a letter to the editor sharing her views.
Over time Phetteplace became kind of a known figure in local Oregon politics as "that right wing woman who is always writing letters to the editor filled with her whackadoodle ideas."
As far as I know, her letters always found a home in her local newspapers. She was not cancelled or silenced. While she probably emboldened some folks who were already with her, there's little evidence that her one voice changed many minds in the direction she wanted.
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Highly recommend this story about Democrats in rural America. It's about DuBois, Pa. I grew up about 60 miles south of there in a similarly small town. I know many folks who still live there, and this account rang very true to me. politico.com/news/magazine/…
While polarization is a key part of this story, it's important that we recognize the *asymmetrical* nature of that polarization. I talk about that a bit in this thread about the FB pages of the Dems and the GOP in the County I grew up in.
Irrationally hating Democrats (even when they're their neighbors or friends) has become an increasingly central feature of the identities of many small town white Americans. It's perhaps Trump's greatest gift to the GOP and they have learned the lesson well.
With RT in the news, it’s a good time to talk about how populists across the political spectrum can allow their skepticism about “the MSM” to curdle into naïve credulity. This thread is about the devolution of Ed Schultz, from heartland populist to anti-democratic propagandist.
Might be a time to reflect on the folks on the left who either credulously fell for or opportunistically amplified this transparently cynical and fabricated “story” back in 2019 and 2020.
I see Kim Reynolds opted for the George Wallace approach to the GOP SOTU response.
"Parents matter." "Local control of schools." "To hell with those out of touch intellectuals determining what kids should learn in school."
I appreciate Kim Reynolds' broad minded support for biofuels which, of course, has absolutely nothing to do with the fact that federally subsidized, agribusiness production of corn dominates her state's economy.
To those who live outside the right wing media echo chamber, this will just sound like mindless and vestigial, McCarthyite word salad...but Rubio is giving a shout out here to a decades-old, far right BS narrative about "cultural Marxism" that is pretty widespread.
To an alarming extent, the basic framework of the "cultural Marxism" narrative is the same as the "Judeo-bolshevism" narrative that informed fascist rhetoric in the 1930s.
Are they called ICBMs because when you see them coming you shit your pants, or is that just a coincidence?
I was 15 when The Day After aired. I remember debating this question around the cafeteria lunch table. If you knew the bombs were coming, would you drive towards a primary target to die faster, or drive away to try to live (but possibly die a slow painful death)?
Related question: If your parents weren’t around, was it ok at age 15 to grab the keys, get in the car and start driving in one’s preferred direction? I seem to remember that this was a fairly unanimous “yes.”