In last week’s column for @GuardianUS, I wrote about how the Right is infatuated with foreign autocrats like Putin who they perceive as defenders of “Christian values.”

I’d like to address a few reactions to the piece - and some misconceptions about white Christian nationalism:
There are four common reactions / misconceptions I’d like to address:

- “These are just fringe voices”

- “Putin is not a real Christian”

- “If they love Putin so much, why don’t they go live in Russia?”

- “How can they possibly go from hating Communism to loving Putin?”
1) ”Just the fringe”

Like I said in my column, to describe Donald Trump, the Right’s political leader, and Tucker Carlson, one of its key media activists, as “fringe” is either wishful thinking and / or deliberately disingenuous.
It is true that outside the Far Right - which would be worth its own exploration - most conservatives have backpedaled, are actively trying to memory-hole their well-documented admiration for Putin, and are engaged in some good old saber-rattling.
But even if we assume that this rather sudden change of heart is genuine, the fact remains that even among those conservatives who now want Russia defeated, most very much agree with Putin’s diagnosis and critique of the weak, “woke” West.
Conservatives are displaying a strong affinity with what they see as Putin’s key project of preserving Russia as a “strong” white Christian patriarchy - in opposition to the multicultural, pluralistic hellhole into which “the West” is supposedly degenerating at alarming speed.
That hasn’t changed since the invasion of Ukraine: I see no sign of introspection, no critical self-reflection, no “Maybe we need to talk about why we’ve been so enamored with this guy’s strongman Christian nationalism, and that of other autocrats like Orbán as well” voices.
Yes, openly siding with Putin in this war is not GOP mainstream – siding with his critique of “woke” leftwing forces as the central threat to the nation very much is. That is hugely significant, as it reveals so much about the Right’s animating vision for American society.
2) “Putin is not a Christian”

In general, equating the term “Christian” with “good” is a form of Christian supremacism we should avoid; we’re not in a vacuum: Christian is what Christians do; and we need to pay attention to white Christian nationalism as a political project.
More specifically, the question of Vladimir Putin’s personal religiosity, of whether or not he “truly” believes and what he believes in, is irrelevant. What is important is the place of Christianity in his nationalistic project, and how he’s been perceived on the Right.
Putin has consistently portrayed himself as a defender of Christian values against the onslaught of the godless forces of “wokeism,” thereby presenting himself as an alternative to the West – both to his own people as well as to those in the West who abhor pluralism.
And Putin has been undeniably successful in his quest to appeal to the Christian Right: Americans who define the U.S. as a “Christian nation” have a much more favorable view of Putin’s Russia, and Pat Robertson claims Putin is “being compelled by God” to invade Ukraine.
3) “Why don’t they go live in Russia?”

Western reactionaries don’t really love Russia, they love an imagined version of “Russia” (or “Hungary”). They imagine a homogeneous nation of and for white Christians, where men get to be real men. It’s not a real place, more an idea.
More importantly, the idea that conservatives would just leave America behind – a nation they are convinced belongs to them, is theirs to rule – underestimates the Right’s will and determination to dominate.
It is true that some religious conservatives, like Rod Dreher, have flirted with the idea of retreating from America, that land of God-less liberal excess, altogether. Dreher has been fixated on Orbán’s Hungary as the Promised Land where the natural order is still intact.
More widespread, however, is a more aggressive vision: Sohrab Ahmari, for instance, likes to talk about the “Highest Good” and the necessary reordering of the public square to achieve it – by whatever means, against majority will.
What religious conservatives like Ahmari, Harvard law professor Adrian Vermeule, or former attorney general William Barr propagate is a deeply anti-democratic, authoritarian idea of forcefully transforming the polity – something that is hard not to describe as a theocracy.
And they are determined to force that transformation here, in the U.S. – to make America the land of white Christian patriarchs again, restore what they believe the country was always supposed to be, what “real America” has always been to them.
4) From hating Communism to loving Putin?

The obvious part of the answer to that question is the fact that the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the end of the Cold War was, of course, an important moment and allowed conservatives to openly embrace white Christian “Russia.”
The less obvious part of the answer has to do with what “Communism” has meant to the American Right, even at the height of the Cold War. When they invoked the specter of “Communism,” conservatives didn’t necessarily have an economic system in mind.
A few examples of how the label was used and what conservatives / rightwingers actually imagined as “Communism.” Here is arch-segregationist Strom Thurmond in 1948:
Here is a famous photo taken at the Little Rock, Arkansas state capitol, in August 1959 – the “Communist Race Mixing” in question was the integration of Little Rock’s Central High School (from a Library of Congress collection):
And here is Senator Tom Cotton with a current version of the “Dismantling systemic racism is Communism” idea:
Conservatives have always derided anything that threatens the social and racial hierarchy, any sort of leveling attempt, as "Communism," and used the term to demonize anyone who dares to question the righteousness of past, present, or future white reactionary elite rule.
Based on this specific understanding of what the danger of “Communism” actually is, it is perfectly consistent to rail against Communism while admiring the ex-KGB officer in the Kremlin for his willingness to uphold traditional hierarchies by whatever means.
The American Right’s infatuation with foreign autocrats is not over, was not a fluke, not just a fringe phenomenon: Conservatives prefer white Christian patriarchal nationalism, and they admire anyone willing to fight back against multi-racial, pluralistic democracy.

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More from @tzimmer_history

Mar 10
I very much agree with @imillhiser. But you know what, I’d settle for “Republicans want to abolish democracy, Democrats want to preserve it - We don’t care who wins, but here’s what’s up.” The key problem is that too many journalists are actively obscuring what is going on.
It’s not even necessarily the “I don’t have a horse in this race” attitude that is so disastrous. It’s the complicity in the assault on democracy that results from the norm of valuing “neutrality” over objectivity, producing coverage that privileges the radicalizing Right.
If political journalists adhered to a strict pro-truth, pro-evidence, pro-objectivity bias, we wouldn’t necessarily need an active commitment to democracy over other forms of government. What we need is clear, factual coverage of the GOP’s anti-democratic radicalization.
Read 12 tweets
Mar 10
This is such a key point. There are always established norms for what is and what is not acceptable “speech,” and there are always sanctions for deviating from those norms. The real questions are: Where are the boundaries? Who gets to define them? What are the sanctions?
The Free Speech Crusaders don’t want to have a debate about these specifics, which would have to include an actual case-by-case analysis, instead clinging to vague insinuations of widespread “cancel culture.” Because once you get into specifics, their case quickly disintegrates.
Take the infamous NYT student op-ed. Once we move beyond generalized accusations of leftwing “cancel” threats, the Free Speech Brigade’s argument seems to be: “The student should not have had to deal with disapproving looks from peers.” Talk about the “marketplace of ideas”…
Read 5 tweets
Mar 9
I have one more thought on “cancel culture” and “self-censorship”: In most elite institutions, the only political opinions that are guaranteed *not* to get you some pushback are those adhering to the established centrist tropes of “polarization,” “division,” and “lack of unity.”
The problem with the way the term “self-censorship” is currently deployed to suggest a pervasive “cancel culture” is twofold. First of all, it disregards the fact that some measure of modulating when and how we voice our opinions is just normal – and certainly needed.
Political opinions, opinions about people in our lives, even opinions about movies, sports, whatever: We all understand that we can’t always offer our unadulterated takes on anything and everything, to whoever, regardless of circumstance. That’s not how the social contract works.
Read 14 tweets
Mar 8
One thought on the “Cancel culture at UVA!” op-ed that the NYT should never have published:

It’s a great example of how, once it’s out in the world, a diagnosis like “cancel culture” quickly starts shaping, rather than just reflecting, reality and individual experiences.
Forget about the question of whether or not cancel culture is actually a thing: “cancel culture” – a specific diagnosis, a claim about the world widely perpetuated not just on the Right, but pretty much across the political spectrum – most definitely is having a massive impact.
In so many ways, what is described in the piece is “normal,” for lack of a better word: common experiences of adjusting and adapting to a new social / cultural / professional environment, being confronted with differing perspectives, figuring out how to navigate a wider world.
Read 11 tweets
Mar 7
Will anyone on the “election integrity!” Right care about this? Of course not!

Hypocrisy? Yes! But only if you believe that the rules apply to everyone. Conservatives very clearly don’t.
Actually, a stark differentiation between those who are supposed to be bound by the rules (“Them”) and those who are not (“Us”) is very much at the heart of the conservative political project.
We see the same logic play out all the time. Republicans railing against absentee voting / voting by mail while many of them have been doing it themselves - hypocritical, bad-faith cynicism? Sure. But the interesting question always is: How do these people justify their actions?
Read 10 tweets
Mar 6
“Beißhemmung” – German, meaning: inhibition to bite/attack.

It’s a term that I believe captures much of the Democratic establishment’s reaction to the radicalizing Republican assault on democracy and civil rights quite well.

My essay for @G_der_Gegenwart:
Republicans are engaged in an authoritarian assault on the political system, embrace extremists who fantasize about committing acts of violence against Democrats, and plan on finding a reason, any reason, to impeach Joe Biden as soon as they get the chance.
How can we explain that many Democrats act as if politics as usual is still an option and a return to “normalcy” imminent, even as Republicans could not be clearer about the fact that they consider Democrats the real “enemy” and Democratic governance fundamentally illegitimate?
Read 23 tweets

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