There is an extraordinary paradox at the heart of capitalist growth in rich economies, which is important to understand. Here's how it works:🧵
First, capital seeks to privatize and enclose key goods that we need in order to live - healthcare, housing, energy, transport, etc - making these things increasingly expensive for us to access. This is done *explicitly* in the name of growth.
Remember, GDP only measures things with market prices. When you push a public good into the market, GDP goes up. So privatizing healthcare systems, privatizing public housing stock, all of this is great for "growth"...
But who benefits from that growth? The people who own the privatized goods. Their income goes up. For the rest of us, we're stuck with a rising cost to access these essentials. In other words, we're poorer, even if our income is unchanged, and even as GDP per capita is rising.
Then they tell us the solution to this is... more growth. "We need more growth to meet people's basic needs!" So we all have to produce *more stuff* in sectors that we don't necessarily need to expand just in order to access things that we clearly *do* need to survive.
Indeed, this is the engine of growthism. The privatizers and austerity-mongers know this. They seek to induce an artificial scarcity in order to compel people to constantly increase their production for capital, which is of course the primary beneficiary of this treadmill.
But we could just as easily do the opposite. De-enclose and de-commodify key social goods in order to make them universally accessible to all. This would allow people to live well without needing constant growth in order to do so.
This would liberate us from the growth imperative and free us to think more rationally about the economy. What sectors do we want to improve? And what sectors are clearly destructive and should be scaled down? In other words, growth of what, for what end, and for whom?
Needless to say, in addition to improving social outcomes this approach is extremely powerful when it comes to climate mitigation, as we describe in this Nature Energy piece, and could keep 1.5 degrees within reach. jasonhickel.org/s/Hickel-et-al…
For those asking about public services in GDP, they appear only as costs in the expenditure approach (unless they are sold at market prices, in which case they are categorized in the market sector). If the final price of the good is zero, they produce zero value according to GDP.
Mazzucato discusses this problem in her book 'The value of everything', in Chapter 8: 'Undervaluing the public sector'. In sum: "Nothing the government does is considered to fall within the production boundary".
Even if we look at expenditures, we see that when public services are more efficient than private ones, they are apparently worth less according to GDP, even if they deliver superior social outcomes. Here's the NHS vs the US healthcare system:
John Smith also engages this question in his book "Imperialism in the 21st century". He highlights the need to avoid confusing the expenditure and production approaches to measuring GDP (a confusion that people routinely commit):
So, if a public good or service that is available to people for free at the point of use is privatized and given a final price, then yes GDP goes up. Even if the final value available to people decreases and social outcomes decline.
Further discussion about this here, along with excerpts from relevant texts:
Socialists who align with growthism should remember what GDP measures: not use-value, nor livelihoods, nor provisioning, but exchange-value. It is a metric devised by capitalists to serve the interests of capitalism. John Smith nails it in "Imperialism in the 21st Century":
GDP growth makes little sense as an indicator for anyone who claims socialist values. Socialist policies focused on use-value, care, public provisioning, and decommodification would improve social outcomes but could very well reduce GDP growth.
GDP measures things with market prices. If you decommodify healthcare, education, energy, housing etc, GDP goes down. That means you need less income to survive, and do not need to render your labour to capital to produce things you do not need in order to access things you do.
The Bengal Famine was no act of nature. Recent research shows it was triggered by a deliberate policy imposed by British colonizers to appropriate resources from ordinary Indians to provision Western troops. Britain must face up to this crime. newint.org/features/2021/…
In the name of the Allied cause, the policies imposed by Churchill and Keynes killed more than 3 million people – many times more than the total number of military and civilian casualties suffered during the entire war by Britain and the US combined.
The scale of this tragedy is almost impossible to fathom. If laid head to foot, the corpses of the victims would stretch the length of England, from Dover to the Scottish borders, nearly 10 times over.
The irony of the US sanctioning Russian oligarchs is that the US government, and prominent US economists, were instrumental in the "shock therapy" privatization that created these oligarchs in the first place.
"The privatization drive... helped to create a system of tycoon capitalism run for the benefit of a corrupt political oligarchy that has appropriated hundreds of millions of dollars of Western aid and plundered Russia’s wealth." thenation.com/article/world/…
Shock therapy also crashed the economy, immiserated the population, and caused life expectancy to collapse, creating the toxic conditions that set the stage for the rise of right-wing nationalist ideology.
The top map shows which nations are most responsible for excess emissions. The bottom map shows which nations are most impacted by it. If we are not attentive to the colonial dimensions of climate breakdown, we are missing the point.
The data on overshoot emissions comes from this paper. As of 2015, the final year of this data, China was still within its fair share of the 350ppm budget, but it has begun to overshoot it in the years since. thelancet.com/journals/lanpl…
Climate breakdown represents a process of atmospheric colonization, and the effects are playing out along colonial lines.
I’m excited to share this new paper we have out, “Imperialist appropriation in the world economy”. The results confirm that the global North relies on a massive net appropriation of resources and labour from the South. The figures are quite staggering. 🧵sciencedirect.com/science/articl…
In 2015, the North’s net appropriation from the South included:
-12 billion tons of embodied raw material equivalents
-822 million hectares of embodied land
-21 Exajoules of embodied energy
-188 million person-years of embodied labour
Two quick things before we go on: (a) “Embodied” here means inputs embodied in the production of traded goods, including manufactured products. (b) We use the IMF’s “advanced economies” list as a proxy for the global North.
Here's a quick round-up of highlights from our research and writing published in 2021, on degrowth, imperialism, decolonization and global justice. Free PDFs of all of these papers are available via the link at the end of the thread. 🧵
1) Post-growth and degrowth policies are key to enabling us to decarbonize fast enough to stay under 1.5 or 2C in a safe and just way, and we need climate mitigation scenarios that describe these pathways. Here's our argument in Nature Energy: nature.com/articles/s4156…
2) What does degrowth mean? This short piece is intended to address a few common questions that newcomers raise: tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…