@sfplanning just released drafts of the keystone pieces of city's housing element: (1) analysis of site capacity (as zoned), (2) analysis of constraints.
tl,dr: big progress on conceptual level, huge problems in practice.
This 🧵 covers sites; stay tuned for constraints. 1/22
The big & welcome news is that SF, like LA, undertook to comply w/#AB1397 by modeling sites' probability of development during planning period & discounting sites' nominal zoned capacity by p(dev). 2/
The leadership of SF and LA on this issue, coupled with @California_HCD's rejection of nearly all housing elements from SoCal cities, is going put pressure on other cities to get on board the p(dev) train. 3/
This is *so* important, b/c for last 40 years, cities have gotten away with junk plans premised on patently false assumption that if a site could be developed during planning period, it would be developed. 4/ papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
Reality check: in Bay Area, a typical 5th cycle "housing element site" had less than a 1-in-10 chance of development during planning period.
A site zoned for 100 homes should have counted for 10 or fewer, but it was counted for 100. 5/
But as LA and now SF have discovered, a city that's realistic about p(dev) will have to rezone. A lot.
Or at least it should... /7
SF hired an economics consultant to fit a p(dev) model to data from 2001-2018 and, as described, the model seems reasonable. So far, so good. /8
Consultant concluded that SF has p(dev)-adjusted capacity for ***less than 21,000 new homes, under current zoning, over the next 30 years.***
Whereas the city's state-assigned housing target exceeds 80,000 homes over just the next 8 years! /9
So, big rezoning? There ought to be! But SF purports to backfill most of deficit w/ handwavy, "trust us" assumptions about other sources of capacity, ultimately committing to rezone for only ~22,000 more units.
The money table is on p. 8. Let's break it down. /10
For starters, city posits that 50% of modeled capacity over next 30 years will materialize in next 8 years.
Rationale: state law is now better for development, so a model fit w/2001-18 data understates capacity under current law. Ok, that's directionally correct. /10
But even using that indulgent assumption, SF has "modeled" capacity for only about 10k homes, leaving massive shortfall (another 72k-84k units).
And this is where things get real wacky. /11
First, city posits that sites which "met criteria provided by mayor's office" for funding 100% affordable projects have p(dev) = 0.50!
City provides *zero* information about rate at which such sites have been developed in the past. /12
It takes real chutzpah to assert, w/o any evidence or even info about city's financial capacity to acquire these sites, that sites targeted for social housing have vastly higher p(dev) than other sites.
But this "saves" S.F. from rezoning for 8600 more units. /13
Now to the biggest skeletons: the "development pipeline."
City credits itself w/nearly 50,000 units from "housing ... projects that have been proposed or that have already received [planning] approvals but that have not received building permits." /14
What's the basis for these numbers? "[D]iscussion with city agencies working on the [pipeline] projects to assess units likely to be delivered over RHNA period."
That is, "trust us." /15
Notably absent: any analysis of what share of "pipeline" projects from last housing element got developed during the last planning period. (SF's last plan counted ~35,000 "filed or approved" units.) /16
Finally, after all the massaging of numbers, SF concludes that it ought to rezone for ~22,000 more homes, & that for fair-housing reasons, they should be located on west side of city.
Some housing advocates are rejoicing. /17
But: in connection w/ analysis of constraints (more on that later), SF hired consultant for pro-forma analysis of different types of housing projects in different areas...and the consultant concluded that *nothing pencils out on the west side*. /18
On basis of that study, @sfplanning says that w/ current permitting process, impacts fees, exactions, & construction costs, the *only* kind of project that's economically feasible is a 24+ story high-rise in city's highest-demand neighborhoods. /19
Yet SF "plans" to meet its ~22,000 unit shortfall (after hand-waving) by rezoning west-side corridors for 55'-85' projects that per city's own analysis would have *negative* rate of return.
This is a cruel joke. Except it's no joke. /20
Here's the big picture: to meet its 82k unit target, San Francisco must *triple* its typical annual housing production.
Rezoning the west side for 22,000 economically infeasible homes won't cut it. /21
@California_HCD should nix this plan unless SF: (1) backs up its "pipeline" & "mayor's office" projections w/ public data, & 2) commits to ministerial review + waiver of fees/exactions/standards that render projects economically infeasible until city reaches RHNA target.
/end
Just learned that the same judge who found California's lot-split & duplex law unconstitutional has now blown up the "deemed consistent" proviso found in SB 35/423, the Housing Accountability Act, & numerous other YIMBY laws.
🧵/19
SB 35/423, CA's flagship ministerial permitting law, requires cities to give prompt written notice to applicants of zoning standards the project violates.
If city misses deadline, project is "deemed to satisfy" the applicable standards. (There's a health/safety exception).
/2
The same or very similar language is found in virtually all of the streamlining laws the Legislature has passed or updated in the last decade.
(See screenshot for the HAA, as amended in 2017. By my count there are at least 7 other examples.)
Watching @ezraklein grill the candidates for CA governor on housing policy was a vertiginous experience.
tl, dr: "Abundance" has won the war of ideas, but not the war of legislative attrition in Sacramento. And no one's talking about the second war.
🧵/21
First, the war of ideas: I had expected that at least one of the leading Dem candidates would try to separate from the pack by veering NIMBY.
It hasn't happened.
/2
Take SB 79 (transit-oriented upzoning) for example. Last fall, there was a huge NIMBY push for a gubernatorial veto, led by homeowners associations and @MayorOfLA.
Yet today, not one of the candidates is calling for a pause.
/3
Background: SB 79, the transit-oriented development bill passed to much fanfare last fall, allows cities to exclude certain industrial zones from SB 79's upzoning for 5-9 story apartment buildings.
/2
SB 79 says that cities may, but need not, withdraw a district of industrially zoned lands if:
- the district encompasses at least 250 contiguous acres,
- parcels w/in district are "primarily dedicated to industrial use," AND
- housing is not "a permitted use" in district
Things to be hopeful about: Both the most progressive & the most mod Dem candidates for CA Gov want to:
- slash development fees & exactions
- cap r-e transfer taxes
- improve construction productivity
- prioritize low-cost building w/ state affordable housing funds
🧵/12
.@katieporterca and @ericswalwell have also been clear that CA needs to drive down the cost of building (though their published housing platforms have fewer specifics than @TomSteyer's & @MattMahanSJ's)
/2
And at least one strong candidate has called out a chief demander of California-style "everything bagel liberalism."
An architect who does multifamily housing throughout CA told me recently,
"The secret's not out, but San Francisco, erstwhile worst offender, has become one of the easiest places to get projects entitled & permitted in CA."
I asked what changed. He said, "The mayor."
1/5
"Just about everyone in every city dept now understands its their job to get permits issued, quickly. Mangers got their marching orders from @DanielLurie and workflows have gotten much better."
(I'm paraphrasing his remarks.)
/2
S.F. still has all sorts of lousy laws & policies that thwart housing production -- high transfer taxes, high IZ, expensive bespoke code requirements, de facto prohibitions on redevelopment of any building w/ rent-controlled units -- but mgmt apparently is much improved.
/3
A New Year's Day 🧵on @CalChamber's CEQA's reform ballot measure.
It's a doozy: instead of empowering project opponents to delay projects, "New CEQA" would empower project sponsors to force quick approval of projects that meet applicable, objective regulatory standards.
1/
In the spirit of @Scott_Wiener's SB 607 & SB 131, the Chamber's proposal would create two CEQAs. Old CEQA would continue applying to some projects; New CEQA would govern others.
But whereas SB 607 drew the Old/New line based on the *location* of the project (specifically, whether it's on "natural and protected lands") the Chamber's proposal bases it on the project's *type*.
All "essential projects" would be governed by New CEQA, wherever located.
/3