Right now they're saying this is about the DNR/LNR, but when Putin invaded, he said the goal was to 'demilitarize' and denazify' Ukraine. 2/
The issue with trying to parse Russian statements by Russian foreign ministry spokespeople is that *they* didn't know either - the White House had a better sense of the timeline than Russia's formal foreign policy apparatus: foreignpolicy.com/2022/02/18/bid… 3/
Meanwhile you have the standard set of Russian up-is-down obvious lies which just make attempting to trust their statements foolish.
In the days before the invasion, Bellingcat was doing its thing, for instance, with Russia's misinformation war: bellingcat.com/news/2022/02/2… 4/
So again, focus on what they *do* rather than what they *say* because so much of what they say is misinformation.
What did Russia *do*? What sort of goals did their army actually attempt to achieve?
In short, what intentions can we read in their operational plan? 5/
The initial Russian attack was launched as a series of high-speed lunges towards major Ukrainian civilian centers. In the South, separate Russian formations drove on Kherson and Melitopol, the latter from there towards Mariupol and Zaporizhzhia. 6/
(btw, check out Nathan Ruser's now un-updated substack if you want to get a sense of the early days: putinukrainebriefing.substack.com and chronology. Alternately, pile back through the ISW campaign assessments: understandingwar.org). 7/
Strikingly, the forces sent towards Kherson, once over the river, lunged towards Mykolaiv and up the west bank of the Dnieper. That move makes little sense as a pinning attack, but a lot of sense if the goal was to link up with the next effort. 8/
Another Russian force pushed south from the Russian border towards Kharkiv. If the goal was merely to pin the city (which is not in Donetsk or Luhansk oblasts), this ought to have been methodical work. Instead, Russian forces try immediately to surround and bypass the city...9/
...with, in the end, very negative results as they were unable to isolate or bypass Kharkiv.
It doesn't take a Napoleon to see the operational concept here though: a grand encirclement, one prong cuts north from Crimea, the other south from Kharkiv... 10/
...cutting the Ukrainian forces in Donetsk and Luhansk off from the rest of the country. Its a bold operational plan, but if the goal is merely to get the DNR/LNR on their oblast borders, it is wild overkill - a pair of c. 200m lunges in place of a 40m push. 11/
As a limited operation to force fairly modest border adjustments, it doesn't make a lot of sense. But if the goal is regime change, isolating the main Ukrainian force from the rest of the country makes a lot of sense - you are removing the seed of military resistance. 12/
Meanwhile, we have the north - 3 major efforts here, consuming a large fraction of the total engaged forces: attacks on the East and West of the Dnieper from Belarus, combined with a push from Sumy. 13/
The Sumy advance is instructive - instead of going south towards Poltava, those forces get drawn west, towards Kyiv, bypassing one town after another as they race in that direction. As a pinning maneuver, this makes little sense - but as a reaction... 14/
...to failure in Kyiv, it makes perfect sense, trying to widen the front to actually isolate the city, a necessary precondition for its capture.
Finally, of course, we have the airborne operations against Kyiv itself, the Hostomel raid, etc. 15/
Meanwhile you have movement along the original Donbas line of contact and...well, there isn't much? Even now, the ISW's assessments of gains on the line of contact are...unimpressive. To believe the "it's all about the DNR/LNR" take, you have to believe...16/
...that Russia attacked basically every part of Eastern Ukraine *except* their primary political objective and that they are *only now* some 5 weeks into their 72 hour war deciding to do the thing they came here to do.
This would be an *even more insane* operational plan. 17/
But of course that wasn't the plan. The plan was a coup de main aimed at a fait accompli, which is exactly a passing familiarity with indirect strategy between nuclear powers suggests to expect (see here at "War Under the Umbrella" acoup.blog/2022/03/11/col…) 18/
And I find it striking that this is sufficiently obvious from the operational plan that basically the whole of miltwitter and IRtwitter sussed it out almost immediately.
This was an operational plan for regime change, which is why the majority of resources went to Kyiv...19/
...while far less happened on the line of contact. It involved a lot of risky lunges - we know they were risky because of how badly they've failed - deep into Ukrainian territory to set conditions for a maximal political settlement.
Russia went big because it had big aims. 20/
I think its worth noting just how disparate these efforts were - by Feb 27th, Russian forces had rushed to Kyiv on both sides of the Dneiper and one column had flung itself 150 miles down the road through Sumy Oblast, bypassing Nizhyn to get to Kyiv... 21/
And so I suppose what I find so frustrating about this is that the correlation of the actual operational plans to Putin's actually stated objectives (nytimes.com/2022/02/23/wor…) is very clear to anyone who can read an operational plan. 23/
So if you write for a major publication and *can't* read an operational plan because you are specialized in 'American political thought' (his AEI bio), then maybe differ judgement to people who actually *can* read an operational plan.
Like, even a little bit. 24/
In sum: this was not a smash&grab to get DNR/LNR - the operational plan is inconsistent with those aims. Thinking that was the goal requires assuming *less* Russian competence, not more.
Goal was regime change, it failed, now Putin backtracks. Sometimes the obvious is true. end/
It is interesting to see folks try to apply game logic (particularly board game logic) to try to understand the failure of Russian forces to achieve their objectives so far - assuming clever, complex ruses and sacrifice plays.
But war isn't a board game. 1/
If you drive a couple of combined arms armies on a city, including a couple dozen BTGs, draw half of your forces from an adjacent AO and support all of this with cruise missile, artillery and airstrikes...you aren't doing a clever feint.
That's just an offensive. 2/
Even if you *intended* it as a feint - and I don't think Russia did (and if they did they're even less competent than we thought) - it isn't *actually* a feint anymore, because you've committed too many troops, too much resources, too much reputational capital.
So, perhaps I'm missing something, but it seems to me that, from a strategy-between-great-powers point of view, Russia passed over into the 'losing' column pretty early in their now-five-week-long 72-hour invasion of Ukraine.
And maybe we should be talking more about that?
1/
To be clear, I don't want to say that the policy space isn't talking about this - they are. But I haven't seen that as much filter into the public-communications/journalism space.
There's still an understandable focus on what this all means for Ukraine. 2/
And it shouldn't be minimized that Putin's war is very bad for Ukraine; it means mostly suffering for Ukrainians. It sucks, even if it has produced a US/NATO strategic victory. It sucks a lot.
But strategic ramifications are going to happen anyway. 3/
Thinking about what it means to be a 'military historian' and I think the ability to draw usefully on conflicts and militaries outside of your own period is a fundamental part of what makes a military historian different from, say, a Roman historian that happens to do the army.1/
To be clear, I'm not saying that latter approach, the person who is, say, primarily a historian of 17th century France and approaches its army that way, is an invalid approach. It's not - it's often a really valuable and useful approach.
But different, in my mind. 2/
As I've noted elsewhere, while all of history has as a fundamental disciplinary assumption the idea that someone who has not experienced something can still know useful things about it (because there is no one with the experience of 17th century France!)... 3/
So I was listening to the Bulwark pod with @SykesCharlie and @saletan and I wanted to clarify for them and others what it means when offensives 'culminate.'
@saletan phases it as 'culmination in military terms means you're done...you've accomplished what you can.'
And...no? 1/
This is an idea that comes - of course - from Clausewitz (drink!) in this case book 7, ch 5.
The basic idea is that from the moment the attacker steps off on their attack, they are getting weaker. Lost equipment, personnel, but also growing disorganization (friction). 2/
Meanwhile the defender, if not overrun, is pushed back on their supplies and if defending-in-depth to more defensible positions.
So the attacker gets weaker over time faster than defenders do. Since attack requires more strength, at some point the balance shifts. 3/
For comparison, that is already a larger refugee flow to the EU than the entire 11-year-long Syrian civil war (though the SCW made more people refugees in absolute terms, 6.7m within Syria, 6.6m outside. Most ended up in nearby countries with few resources to care for them).
This is, to be clear, week four of a conflict that certainly could potentially last for months or years.