Ulrich Speck Profile picture
Mar 30, 2022 22 tweets 4 min read Read on X
If we start to discuss the contours of a future peace deal between Russia and Ukraine, and especially the Western role as potential guarantor of such a deal, it's important to keep in mind that Ukraine's security problem is not new, and that there is plenty of history already.
The fundamental problem is that Russia, namely Putin but not only Putin, isn't accepting Ukraine's existence as a separate nation and independent, sovereign state. This is the reason, and the only reason, for the ongoing conflict, which came in its hot phase in 2014.
Is this likely to change now, as Russia appears not to be winning in Ukraine? It all depends probably on how this war ends. If Russia clearly looses, gets defeated, there is a chance that Russia finally accepts a reality that it cannot change.
If Russia wins even a bit of territory, it's likely that its neo-imperialist dreams aren't going to be abandoned. Just like in 2014/15 when Russia gained territory and tried to use this to weaken and undermine the Ukrainian state. When this attempt failed, Putin choose open war.
Whatever the Russian side wants or doesn't want, the key to Ukraine's security will be deterrence against Russia once this round of fighting is over.
In the past, we saw a number of half-hearted attempts by the US and Europe to help Ukraine against Russia. The Budapest Memorandum in 1994 was a promise that wasn't worth anything at all; just a way to convince Kyiv to hand over its nukes to Russia.
The promise from 2008 that Ukraine "will" become member of Nato -- but without giving it MAP (membership action plan) didn't help at all. It was a bad internal Western compromise between the US and Germany; and it may (or may not) have contributed to Russia's later belligerence.
The idea of 2013 that Russia wouldn't be provoked by Ukraine's rapprochement with the EU turned out to be a misconception. The view in Europe was that Russia was just afraid of Ukraine's Nato membership, and that the EU was not seen as a threat by Russia.
That was a misconception. The "threat" for Russia was always an independent, sovereign Ukraine -- it was not a threat for the Russia itself, but for its neo-imperial ambitions to dominate and control its neighborhood, in Russia's view an indispensable feature of a "great power".
The next failure where the Minsk agreement II in 2015 and the "Normandy format". This was Merkel's brainchild, and she was driving the policy in 2014/15 made of sanctions (sticks) and a process of negotiations (supposed carrots).
The idea was to bring Putin into the "postmodern" world of win-win-solutions and compromise; and the hope was that as the process drags on, Russia would loose interest in Ukraine and finally let it go.
For Putin, the idea was to use the process to weaken and undermine Ukrainian statehood; his instrument was the provision in the agreement that the de facto-Russia-occupied territories in the Donbas would have a say on major decisions of the Ukrainian state.
It was supposed to be cheaper than war, for Putin; namely by keeping intact the relationship with the West. And indeed Putin got rewarded, with Merkel giving green light to Nord Stream 2 and Macron ruling out the red carpet to him and starting to debate a "new security order".
Yet the Normandy format failed to deliver; Ukraine became stronger and more independent, with Western help. That's why Putin, for whom getting back Ukraine under Russian control was always a key priority - and a question of his legacy as a Russian leader - changed tactics again.
First he was trying to intimidate Ukraine and the West by amassing troops around Ukraine. Yet both were holding their line, and that's why he went to open war, crossing a line -- instead of operating in a grey zone of "credible deniability", he waged a massive war.
When thinking about a future agreement between Russia and Ukraine, and the western role in it, we should learn the lessons from those four failed attempts by the West to help Ukraine to assert its independence and sovereignty.
The three decisive elements are:
- Russia denies Ukraine its independence;
- Ukraine is militarily far weaker than Russia (this seems to change now);
- the West wants to help Ukraine but not risk a war with Russia
Kyiv is now talking about Western security guarantees. That's something the West gave on paper in 1994 but on paper only; it was something the West refused to give in 2008. In practice, the West decided not come to Ukraine's help twice when it was attacked, 2013/14 and 2022.
If the West now signs up to guarantees for Ukraine but is not ready to defend Ukraine's borders against Russia, accepting an escalation, the situation won't improve. The West must either go in fully, with own troops, or stay out. A guarantee on paper only won't work.
The appetite for conflict with Russia is clearly quite low, namely in Berlin and Paris but also in Washington and London. Very hard to see the West giving real guarantees which would not be very different from Nato membership.
That's why the other two variables are far more important. First, Russia must clearly loose, a defeat would diminish the chances that in the near future, Putin will wage another war. If this conflicts ends with considerable Russian territorial gains, another war is very likely.
Most importantly, the West must do everything to arm and train Ukraine's military; namely once this war is over. The more Ukraine is capable to defend its borders against Russia, the more secure it will be, and the more likely it is that Russia finally accept the new reality.

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More from @ulrichspeck

Mar 8
Deutschland ist bereit für eine entschlossene Verteidigungspolitik. Neue Umfrage:
Russland ist eine akute Bedrohung: Image
Amerika wird uns nicht schützen: Image
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Feb 23
Deutschland kann recht leicht zurück auf den Erfolgskurs gebracht werden. Das Potenzial des Landes ist immens. Es müssen nur ein paar Dinge getan werden:
1) Die Migrationsfrage muss der radikalen Rechten entwunden werden, um diese wieder auf Normalmaß zu stutzen. Wichtig ist, dass sich die AfD nicht als Milieu großflächig etabliert, damit vernünftiges Regieren möglich bleibt.
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Feb 21
Trump's ways to end /prevent war: give Russia and China what they want?

The current order is post-imperial, based on the principle of safe borders also for smaller and weaker countries.

But Russia and China want to change that: subjugate smaller countries in their neighborhood.
There is a "liberal international order"-case against Russian, Chinese and Iranian neo-imperialism; but also an "America first"-case, as all three are eager to diminish American power and influence, and want to put themselves (and their type of order) globally on top.
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Dec 26, 2024
Europeans have opportunities to strengthen their position vis-à-vis Russia but they fail to grasp them: Armenia, Georgia, Syria, also Libya.

Without the will to win battles over influence against Russia, Europeans will be on the loosing side in the ne geopolitical world.
Those opportunities may not come back. Capitals of big European countries -- Berlin, Paris, London, Rome, others -- need to get together and devise a geopolitical strategy that they will role out individually, but also inside NATO and the EU.
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Dec 16, 2024
Die Prämisse der Russlandpolitik von Scholz ist: der Krieg ist ein Ausrutscher, eine Abweichung vom Normalzustand, und die Aufgabe des Kanzlers besteht darin, Russland zu helfen, diesen Fehler einzusehen und zu korrigieren, um zum Normalzustand der Zusammenarbeit zurückzukehren.
Die Realität, die die große Mehrheit der Russlandkenner, die anderen Mitte-Parteien (Grüne, FDP, Union) ebenso erkannt haben wie die europäischen Partner Deutschlands, ist aber eine andere: Russlands Aggression gegen Europa ist der neue Normalzustand.
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Dec 15, 2024
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Mit Russland gegen Amerika -- das appelliert an DDR-Traditionen ebenso wie an den klassischen westdeutschen Antiamerikanismus von links wie rechts.
Mit AfD und Wagenknecht-Partei gibt es jetzt gleich zwei politische Angebote, die diesen Kurs vertreten; zusammen kommen sie laut Umfragen bei etwa einem Viertel der Wählerschaft an (bzw. dieses Viertel lässt sich davon nicht abschrecken).
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