Ever felt stuck reading a difficult text? Sergius of Rēshʿaynā (d. 536) has the answer—and it involves storks!
From his #Syriac treatise on Aristotle's writings addressed to Theodore (unedited; from MS Paris 354, fol. 1v):
'The saying among the Ancients goes, O our brother Theodore, that a bird called the stork rejoices and is strengthened when it detaches itself from cultivated lands, departs for the wilderness, and comes to to know its original dwelling place until the ends of its life. +
'Likewise, it seems to me that no one can comprehend the opinions of the ancients, nor penetrate the mystery of understanding their books, unless he detaches himself from the world and its affairs, forsakes the body—in mind, not place—and casts off all his passions behind him. +
'[Only] then, when there is nothing preventing him from running such a course that opposes his swiftness by way of bodily inclination, is the mind free to turn to its essence, gaze upon itself, see clearly what was written and judge well what was said and affirmed correctly.'
In other words, the mind, like the stork, must return to its origin in order to perceive truths.
Note the Syriac wordplay here (ḥurḇā meaning stork and ḥurbā meaning wilderness). But where does the analogy come from? The answer has eluded scholars like Henri Hugonnard-Roche.
A number of things come to mind (some of which occurred to Hugonnard-Roche).
Aristotle's History of Animals discusses storks, but nothing along the lines of Sergius' allegory. Likewise Pliny's Natural History, which speaks of how the stork cares for its parents in old age.
Unable to find a source in philosophy, Hugonnard-Roche speculated that Sergius' account must derive from a Christian monastic source. After all, Sergius' stork is said to leave the comfort of cultivated lands for the barren wastes.
The Sayings of the Desert Fathers springs to mind, a collection of apothegms attributed to Egyptian monastics compiled ca. 5th century. Withdrawal to the desert is a common theme of course, but no mention of storks as far as I can tell.
Another possible source is gnomologia, i.e. collected maxims attributed to Greek philosophers like Pythagoras, Socrates, Apollonius of Tyana, and Stomathalassa. These were popular in Greek and Syriac monastic circles in Late Antiquity. But again, no mention of storks.
Hugonnard-Roche observed resonances of the Delphic maxim 'know thyself' in Sergius' account. Recall that the stork escapes to the wilds in order to know its origins just as the mind sheds matter in order to return to its essence and gaze upon itself (la-mḥār ba-qnōmeh).
Aside: my favourite occurrence of the 'know-thyself' topos is in #alchemy. A work preserved in #Syriac by Zosimus of Panoplis (fl. 300) describes an electrum mirror which Alexander the Great kept in his palace as a talismanic reminder to examine himself.
Further aside: the 'know-theyself' theme also brings to mind the German proverb 'sich an die eigene Nase fassen' ('take yourself by your nose', i.e. 'look who's talking'). As you can see, early modern depictions like this one look remarkably like storks! Is there a common source?
Another possible source for the stork analogy is the Physiologus, an early Christian didactic bestiary composed in Greek and later translated into several languages. In line with Pliny, it speaks of the stork's filial piety, but nothing along the lines of Sergius' account.
There are also parallels in neighbouring traditions. The Muslim philosopher Avicenna wrote a poetic allegory in which the descent of the soul is like a dove taken captive. But whereas in Avicenna the wilderness (kharāb) is the body, in Sergius it is the realm of the mind.
Anyway, this issue has led me down some interesting rabbit holes. I'm no closer to solving the mystery, though. If anyone on here has any insights, please feel free to share them!
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Last month I gave a talk on a thorny issue in religious and intellectual history: the distinction between believing and knowing (or more simplistically, faith and reason) in Late Antiquity. My focus was on two #Syriac authors, Paul the Persian and Babai the Great.
1/16
This is the culmination of research I've been working on since 2018 (alongside so many other projects). I'm currently writing up the talk as a publication. For now, here's a research 🧵 with some broad outlines.
2/16
I'm interested in how faith––a concept we take for granted––came to define Christianity in Late Antiquity and early Middle Ages. Is believing on a par with knowing? Most Syriac Christian writers would say yes. In short, one needs faith to get at divine truths.
Christians and Muslims in the Middle Ages shared many intellectual pursuits. One of them was @astrology.
A 🧵on Gregory Barhebraeus' @syriac odes to the seven planets of the @zodiac.
Barhebraeus wrote seven poems on the seven 'wandering stars' (kawkḇē ṭāʿayyā)—from the outer- to innermost—in a metre of seven syllables.
Text: Dolabani (pp. 77-8). Images: a bowl with astrological motifs (12th-early 13th ce., N. or C. Iran), in @metmuseum (link in ALT text).
1. Saturn
Saturn, star of lands, labourers and rivers,
Sign of the sun-beaten, beggarly; weary workers and the poor;
The deceitful, wicked and irate; the afflicted and bilious;
Prison warden, inflictor of bitter blows!
Manuscripts often provide precious glimpses into the lives of their copyists. Here's one copied by Dionysius Ibrāhīm-Shāh (fl. 16th ce.), Syrian Orthodox Archbishop of Cyprus. The colophon at the end tells us about an unfortunate episode in his life. A 🧵on bishops & burglary. 1/
Oxford, Hunt. 363 is a codex composed of Islamic & Christian texts bound together. @FKrimsti & I came across it in 2019.
The colophon by Dionysius is in Garshūnī (Arabic in Syriac letters). My Arabic transcription for the Syriacless + English translation in images 👇 2/
(N.B. In 👆I have followed modern Arabic orthography in my transcription for the sake of modern reader, hence اعطى not اعطا. I'll come back to this point).
Hello! I am a social and intellectual historian of medieval inter-religious encounters, working mainly with Arabic & Syriac texts, with a passion for sharing my research & teaching.
Below👇 is a master thread of past tweets on my subject (to be updated every so often).
(1) My publication of new finds in the history of Syriac philosophy:
(2) On the so-called Princess Sarah Gospels, a 13th-century Syriac manuscript written in gold ink on blue paper dedicated to the queen of the Ongods in Central Asia:
So the the source mentioning pact between the Christians of #Najran and the emergent Zaydī polity is ʿAlī b. Muḥammad b. ʿUbayd Allāh al-ʿAbbāsī al-ʿAlawī, Sīrat al-Hādī ilā l-Ḥaqq Yaḥyā b. al-Ḥusayn (ed. Suhayl Zakkār). 1/7
The Sīra (biography) is of the founder of the Zaydī imamate in Yemen, Abū l-Ḥusayn b. Yaḥyā b. al-Ḥusayn (d. 911), caliphal name al-Hādī ilā l-Ḥaqq, grandson of the famous theologian, al-Qāsim ibn Ibrahīm al-Rassī (d. 860). 2/7
Its author, al-ʿAlawī, was a follower of al-Hādī & served at his court. His Sīra charts the imam's deeds during his rise to power in modern-day Yemen. He reports a pact signed in 897 between al-Hādī & the Jews & Christians of the fertile region of Najran. 3/7
Re: the date of the newly found Syriac inscription from the region of Najran, Saudia Arabia. Here's a small suggestion of a late terminus ad quem of late 8th/early 9th ce. based on a Syriac literary source I worked with once. 1/6
A letter sent by Timothy I (r. 780 to 823), patriarch-catholicos of 'Nestorian' Church of the East in Baghdad, to the monks of Mar Maron in Syria. Here, Timothy attempts to convince the monks to switch allegiance to his church. 2/6
He makes a number of claims re: his Church's apostolicity, perpetual orthodoxy, and the fact that its christology had never been subject to the whims of a Christian king (the Church of the East having developed outside the Roman Empire, under Sasanian & later Muslim rule). 3/6