Right, what I think is happening here is that someone has come up with a cunning plan around Art.18 NIP consent provisions, so let's have a look at these, shall we?
Per @pmdfoster's piece, plan looks like either withholding results of a NI Assembly vote, or avoiding one happening. This hangs on the need for at least a majority of MLAs to support continuing application of Arts.5-10 of the NIP
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However, if you read the rest of Art.18, you will see that UK is committed to allowing a vote to take place, and that this vote doesn't need an Executive to exist, so sitting MLAs
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Crucially Art.18(4) says it's only when UK tells EU that a vote has happened and no majority was reached that disapplication occurs
I.e. it has to be an active decision by MLAs, not a passive we-didn't-get-round-to-voting-in-time non-decision
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As such, if wording of planned legislation is that London can either stop or ignore MLA vote, then that's a breach of NIP and of international law
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It's at least as bad as the Internal Market Bill, and worse in that it sounds like it also impinges on the right of MLAs to exercise their powers, so it also raises the question of GFA consent provisions too
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Even if the planned bill only aims to give London the option to ignore a consent vote, rather than requiring them to, that would still be just as much of a problem, given the commitment of Art.18(1) to allow NI a decisive voice [which UK itself pushed to include]
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Tl;dr it's almost as if someone wrote Art.18 to stop this kind of thing
/end
As for what the Indian govt might think about all this, as it considers an FTA with the UK, who knows?
And if you'd like more on what options are legally available to the UK govt on the NIP, then you'll want this
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I'd argued that going all Violet Elizabeth Bott [GIYF] wasn't sustainable in long-term, so shifting to language of trying to work things out together (even if that didn't produce results) both parked it and avoiding final commitment to WA/TCA
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You could see Truss's attendance at Council over Ukraine as an example of pragmatic cooperation, even as problems with Northern Ireland remained in play
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Finland is currently record-holder, at 2yrs, 10mths: and that for a country with robust political institutions, comparable GDP/capita, and completed negotiations on heart of then-activity (via EEA)
In short, very well-placed
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So Finland can be our benchmark for procedural speed
But UKR isn't Finland, so important to look at enlargements since then
Democracy lives and dies by our actions: precisely because it gives us all a say, it needs all of us to work to maintain and uphold it
That means we have three tasks to undertake:
- to protect and support those in democracies elsewhere;
- to make sure our own democracy works as best it can;
- to be democrats ourselves
Helping those elsewhere is perhaps the easiest task, since we are typically only indirectly linked, but if we truly believe that democracy is the best political system then we must value it everywhere and for everyone
Not the main news today, but listening to Liz Truss talking about how "the UK has to stand behind its international obligations" this morning (bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/m0… at 2:22:07) did make me reflect on the interconnectedness of practical international relations
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Truss was speaking about paying off debt to Iran here, but she's also regularly mentioned international 'obligations' in relation to Russia too
In both cases, she's (rightly) highlighting the way in which commitments made need to be honoured, not least because of the otherwise scant ability to secure enforcement beyond what states do
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This pulls together various initiatives that have been underway for a while, nominally united by their 'only because Brexit'-ness
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I leave others to fisk the (brief) list of 'achievements', many of which were possible under EU membership (eg freeports) and/or make a bold bid to present clawbacks of losses as advances (eg trade deals)
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Just had a nice walk to clear my head and think about factors that might aid/hinder finding solution on NIP
With some quick bodging let's see if it still stacks up
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Let's start with Ukraine
Obviously takes major bandwidth from UK side, esp Truss, which makes political solutions less likely.
However, also means less desire on both sides to crash talks/have trade war, as there might be actual war to deal with
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NI elections next
Both sides already clear this imposes strong incentive to prompt conclusion, so can't be so easily weaponised in campaigning. Even a handling position isn't good
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