This 'leaked' document features prominently in BBC reporting of the alleged 'shoot to kill' policy in Xinjiang. It has no doubt shocked millions of people already given the coordinated coverage in Western MSM.
Moreover, when I downloaded the 'leaked file' from xinjiangpolicefiles.org/key-documents/
the version has been changed: instead of having 11 main points, it now has 9 main points.
Still, the numbering system is all over the place. For example, the very first point uses '1', and then is followed by the Chinese character for one (一), two (二), and three (三). I haven't seen any official or non-official documents which are so casually formatted.
Also the strange font used in the 'original' 'leaked' document has disappeared, replaced with normal simplified Chinese font. However, the title of this document still contains non-simplified Chinese font. Perhaps the real author of the document forgot to change them as well?
Finally, the last point doesn't make grammatical sense to me. These are phrases used as 'nouns' in Chinese documents, rather than as stand-alone sentences. A quick search shows that they always appear within a sentence, often followed by '落实情况'.
Given the large number of suspicious points noted above and noted by others, I highly doubt the credibility of this document as an authentic document. This could mean that someone went out of their way to make up this document to try to prove their point, which should really ring
alarm bells about the overall credibility of whoever is behind all of this. As the US Department of Defense's Report of the Defense Science Board’s Task Force on Strategic Communication would remind us: books.google.com/books?id=lvtTK…
If most accusations of China's atrocities in Xinjiang have been built on such foundations, no wonder the accusers are uneasy ('concerned') about the visit of UN Human Rights Commissioner to Xinjiang. It's like the reaction of a child faking sickness when told to see a doctor.
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If my English comprehension is correct, here actually the UNCLOS literally defines 'high seas' as 'all parts of the sea that are NOT included in the exclusive economic zone' (EEZ), while the entire Taiwan Strait is clearly in an EEZ (200 nautical miles from the baseline).
Therefore, there is no such thing as 'considerable high seas corridor' in the Taiwan Strait. In the past, part of the EEZ might have been considered 'high seas', but not any more under the UNCLOS (perhaps one of the reasons why the US refuses to ratify it).
The US uses the vague term "international waters" (IW) to muddy the high seas water, but IW is not a defined term in international law. The lawfulness of military activities in other countries' EEZ is not clearly defined by UNCLOS, which leaves much room for contestation.
In this article published 6 years ago, @OliverDTurner and I argue that the American discourses of 'virtue' and 'power', shared by most Americans, are productive of the subjectivity of neoconservatism, which, despite its widely abhorred manifestation in the Bush Doctrine, is thus
more normatively appealing and more enduring than commonly understood. In fact, it could be argued that there has been a quiet neocon-ization of the West over the past two decades, with many Western countries appropriating American 'virtue' and identifying with US power.
The fact that no one talks about neoconservatism anymore today is not because it's gone, but because it's gone capillary. The deep faith in US-led virtue and power is such that the neoconservative motto of 'moral clarity' and 'military strength' has replaced good old-fashioned
The Ukraine war signals that after 20+ years of failed intervention wars in Afghanistan & Iraq, the US and its allies have now rediscovered the 'winning formula' of proxy wars after the 2018 US national defense strategy identified China+Russia, not terrorism, as main threats.
To fight such wars against their designated geopolitical threats, they deploy identity narratives such as 'values', 'freedom' vs 'repression', 'democracy' vs 'autocracy' to sow & exploit divisions between rivals and their neighbors which are primed to distrust & hate each other.
Distrust opens up room for building and/or expanding alliances & strategic groupings (Quad, AUKUS and NATO) among 'like-minded democracies' right to the borders of their geopolitical rivals. Such buildup and expansion in turn exacerbate distrust & increase the chance for war.
One of the US's earliest concerns about China's human rights violations dates back to the Opium War; one of the earliest UK overseas humanitarian missions also had something to do with its opium trade monopoly. Like-minded democracies have come a long way. books.google.com.au/books?id=OzsxE…
In the lead up to the Opium War, one side was appealing to 'universal values', and the other was determined not to let such 'fine things' get in the way of a big bucket of money, legal or not, and was prepared to use fake news to justify a war for it. Guess which is which?
Speaking of power transition in international relations, this was part of the original process of power transition from China to the US, 19th-century style.
Australia 'blindsided' & 'ambushed' by a 'China-led' UN committee where China has a 'stranglehold'... nice media word play sufficient to turn a case of climate emergency facing Australia into the latest episode of China threat emergency for the public. theaustralian.com.au/nation/chinale…
So it comes as no surprise when the latest Lowy poll shows 63% in Australia believe China is more of a security threat to Australia than of an economic partner, a 22-point increase since last year’s poll. You wonder why public opinion has changed so much. theguardian.com/australia-news…
Most would say this reflects changing reality in China itself. Perhaps, but has that reality indeed changed so dramatically? Maybe so, but then how do we know? How many people can directly see the reality as it actually is, without relying on the interpreting filter of the media?
The West is and will remain the largest manufacturing powerhouse in the world when it comes to media & knowledge industry. It enjoys unparalleled comparative advantage: language, loyal customer base who has limited access to foreign-language products of non-Western origins,
complete and mature production & distribution ecosystem, well-established & trusted branding, endless supply of cheap or free raw materials. Also, there is no real pressure on product innovation or moving up the value chain; in fact, the more of the same products, the better.
Importantly, while other types of manufactured goods are only to be consumed, the products in media & knowledge industry in turn produce and shape their consumers and help make new human subjects who produce as well as consume; so there is no labour shortage in this industry.