Since Terry Glavin goes out of his way to say that his most recent piece is not "residential school denialism," let me quickly explain why it is. A thread on residential school denialism 🧵:
To start, residential school denialism is NOT, as Daniel Heath Justice and I have explained, the outright denial of the Indian Residential School (IRS) system’s existence. It is, rather, an attempt to misrepresent basic IRS facts/info to undermine truth and reconciliation.
We argue, "Residential school denialists employ an array of rhetorical arguments. The end game of denialism is to obscure truth about Canada’s IRS system in ways that ultimately protect the status quo as well as guilty parties." This is what Glavin does: theconversation.com/truth-before-r…
The rhetorical device Glavin uses in his piece is: false framing. To cast doubt on abuses and deaths at IRS - which have already been well documented - Glavin focuses on a media mistake: that some outlets initially reported findings as mass graves, rather than unmarked graves.
This was - and continues to be - an error. Communities were clear that they were locating unmarked graves. But Glavin, in his piece, BEGINS with a false frame suggesting that a New York Times article "Mass Grave of Indigenous Children Reported in Canada" is "how it all began."
He claims that the NYT article was the "first story" about the confirmation of unmarked graves by Tk’emlúps te Secwepemc. That is incorrect, but it allows him to then argue that everything in the last year was done based on this mistake and should thus be discredited.
From that false frame, Gavin then chooses only to focus on errors made by the media - and there/are many - to feed his narrative that, while seemingly about correcting media bias, actually serves to cast doubt on work being done by communities and for reconciliation etc.
The basic formula Glavin uses is this: mass graves=error=there is no issue. He employs this formula to distract attention away from the unmarked graves being confirmed at MANY former residential schools and that most people rightly find shocking and abhorrent.
In short, Glavin's piece is textbook denialism. He uses a false frame to argue that this all overblown - rooted in error - and that there are thus more important things to focus on, as he suggests in the conclusion. This is a classic distraction tactic used by denialists.
Now, journalists - and all of us, really - need to be careful about the language we use, because mistakes fuel denialism. But, while Glavin takes aim at "the media," he is ALSO the media. And his false framing here and use of other denialist talking points needs to be challenged.
We need truth *before* reconciliation. The use of residential school denialism by many journalists, politicians, and even some of my fellow historians, needs to be identified and confronted.
As usual, as an IRS historian and expert on residential school denialism, I am offering to engage with any open and honest questions here, DM, email etc. This is a hard time for many doing hard work, so if I can be of service to promote education, hit me up.
I will be most happy to clarify any questions/point you in the direction of excellent and trustworthy sources of information from experts and Survivors themselves. There are many resources out there.
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Historian of schooling here to point out why Jean Chrétien's comments are problematic and amount to residential school denialism. I break down his talking points in this🧵: cbc.ca/news/canada/mo…
Chrétien's comments are based on a false equivalent he makes between his boarding school experience and residential schooling, which he then uses to downplay the effects of the IRS system and defend his role as Minister of Indian Affairs, from 1968-1974. This is misinformation.
Residential schools were "boarding" institutions in the sense that they boarded children, but the private boarding school Chrétien attended was very different. People make this kind of false equivalence all the time to downplay the genocidal effects of residential schooling.
Ahead of the first National Day for Truth and Reconciliation tomorrow, I'm excited to share this new @ActiveHist piece by @katie_15m and myself on newspaper coverage of Dr. Peter Bryce's 1907 report about the horrors of residential schooling: activehistory.ca/2021/09/hiding…
It is too easy for Canadians to say that the public was not made aware of Bryce’s report and apply blame solely to church and state officials who downplayed and ignored his warnings.
The report was leaked to the public, and an examination of newspaper articles from the early 1900s reveals that readers across the country were presented with the findings.
While some Canadians melt down over an Indigenous teen refusing to stand for the national anthem at school, this is a good time, as an education historian, to point out a) the anthem was only officially adopted in 1980 + b) singing it daily in schools is a recent-ish development.
Moreover, the only provinces that mandate the singing of the national anthem daily are: Manitoba, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario and Prince Edward Island. British Columbia schools must play the anthem at least 3 times at assemblies.
There is a fairly robust literature about anthems in schools and the ways in which nationalism serves colonialism. See, for example, this article and its references: journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/02…
With right-wing media in the US now targeting @HarshaWalia and deliberately twisting the "burn it all down" phrase to generate disgust and discredit struggles for systemic change, here is a thread on the long history of that 🔥 phraseology in struggles for social justice.
Historian Mark Leier's biography of Mikhail Bakunin, The Creative Passion, is so titled because Bakunin believed that "the passion for destruction is a creative passion." sfu.ca/history/public…
Bakunin did not *literally* mean the destruction of things per se; he was referring to the organized dismantling of social structures that protect injustice and oppression to radically transform society and creatively reorder it around truth, justice, and freedom.
Here's @jkenney's "John A. Macdonald Day" statement, an attempt to change the conversation and take the heat off of the UCP's disastrous handling of the pandemic. It won't work, namely because the statement reveals he can't even get basic Canadian history right. Here's a thread:
Let's dissect the statement line by line. This is important because Kenney has presented himself and the UCP as experts, not just in public health, but also in education. As many Albertans (I lived in the province for the past 4 years) are realizing, Kenney and the UCP are inept.
1. “Today, we recognize the birthday of Canada’s most important founding father, the Rt Hon. Sir John A. Macdonald." While JAM was a central figure in Confederation, there were many "Fathers of Confederation." JAM was no lone wolf.
Canada's genocide denial is not as fringe as most people think. Here's another garbage piece published by the @nationalpost, written by non-expert Conrad Black, trying to defend Macdonald, an architect of Indigenous genocide, and grasping to put a positive spin on colonization.
As an historian, that subtle is just, wow. 1. He did not end Canada's colonial status, that really didn't happen until the Statute of Westminster in 1931, and even after that, Canada was - and continues to be - very much a "colonial" country.
2. JAM was most certainly not "benign." He went to war with the Metis and Indigenous communities to steal resources, oversaw and defended deliberate starvation policies on the prairies, started the Indian Residential School system and defended it etc etc etc.