Last month I gave a talk on a thorny issue in religious and intellectual history: the distinction between believing and knowing (or more simplistically, faith and reason) in Late Antiquity. My focus was on two #Syriac authors, Paul the Persian and Babai the Great.
1/16
This is the culmination of research I've been working on since 2018 (alongside so many other projects). I'm currently writing up the talk as a publication. For now, here's a research 🧵 with some broad outlines.
2/16
I'm interested in how faith––a concept we take for granted––came to define Christianity in Late Antiquity and early Middle Ages. Is believing on a par with knowing? Most Syriac Christian writers would say yes. In short, one needs faith to get at divine truths.
3/16
Early Syriac writers like Ephrem (d. 373) & Narsai (d. ca. 502) tended to discourage inquiry and investigation (ʿuqqāḇā, bṣāṯā, bʿāṯā), regarding them as superfluities (yattīrāṯā). Instead, one comes to know divine matters in silence (šeṯqā).
4/16
A significant departure is the Christian philosopher Paul the Persian, who sees opinion and understanding as distinct modalities. As in Plato's Meno and Aristotle's Posterior Analytics, Paul holds knowledge (īḏaʿṯā) to be superior to belief (haymānūṯā).
5/16
But how big a departure is this? There's one area where Paul's Neoplatonism and more 'traditional' Christian attitudes converge: the role of reflection and contemplation (Syriac meṯbaynānūṯā, or tēʾōrīya from the Greek theoria) in achieving certain knowledge.
6/16
In my talk, I examined notions of contemplation in writers up to and after Paul the Persian. A big name here is Sergius of Rēsh ʿAynā (d. 536), whose theory of contemplation I discussed in an earlier Tweet about storks!
In short, I argue that faith and knowledge often came together in contemplation. Paul distinguishes faith from knowledge, but his account of contemplation (the means by which one attains knowledge) falls very much within the paradigm of late ancient Christian Neoplatonism.
8/16
That's what brought me to Babai. For him, contemplation was part of an anti-empirical approach to 'true' knowledge. As a monastic thinker of the Evagrian school, Babai argues that clarity in divine matters comes from stepping away from the body and returning to the soul.
9/16
In Babai's scheme, this asceticised notion of contemplation applies to all all subjects, ecclesiastical and profane. It's an idea common in many philosophically minded Christians in Late Antiquity, including Paul the Persian.
10/16
Paul the Persian wrote an introduction to logic addressed to the #Sasanian king Khusrow I (r. 531–79). It's preserved in a single #Syriac manuscript but may have originally been written in Pahlavi.
11/16
Paul is also the author of a commentary on Aristotle's De Interpretatione, thought to be translated from Persian by Severus of Sebokht (d. 667), and a treatise on the division of philosophy preserved in Ibn Miskawayh's Tartīb al-Saʿādāt ('The Order of Happiness').
12/16
Babai is of huge significance to the ('Nestorian') Church of the East. He is one of Syriac Christianity's foremost writers on Christology, hagiography and asceticism. I look at his monumental Book of Union and his vast commentary on Evagrius' Gnostic Chapters.
13/16
Why Paul and Babai? They are among the last important representatives of late Sasanian intellectual culture. Each is witness to the migration of late-antique Alexandrian Neoplatonism from Eastern Roman lands to Iran.
14/16
Just as importantly, they are writing as Christians under Zoroastrian rule, at a time of heightened religious tensions. This makes what they have to say about belief and knowledge all the more interesting.
15/16
I touch on definitions of faith in my book, looking more at medieval Syriac and Christian Arabic and points of contact with Islamic notions of imān and iʿtiqād (see Ch. 1, Section 1.8).
Christians and Muslims in the Middle Ages shared many intellectual pursuits. One of them was @astrology.
A 🧵on Gregory Barhebraeus' @syriac odes to the seven planets of the @zodiac.
Barhebraeus wrote seven poems on the seven 'wandering stars' (kawkḇē ṭāʿayyā)—from the outer- to innermost—in a metre of seven syllables.
Text: Dolabani (pp. 77-8). Images: a bowl with astrological motifs (12th-early 13th ce., N. or C. Iran), in @metmuseum (link in ALT text).
1. Saturn
Saturn, star of lands, labourers and rivers,
Sign of the sun-beaten, beggarly; weary workers and the poor;
The deceitful, wicked and irate; the afflicted and bilious;
Prison warden, inflictor of bitter blows!
Ever felt stuck reading a difficult text? Sergius of Rēshʿaynā (d. 536) has the answer—and it involves storks!
From his #Syriac treatise on Aristotle's writings addressed to Theodore (unedited; from MS Paris 354, fol. 1v):
'The saying among the Ancients goes, O our brother Theodore, that a bird called the stork rejoices and is strengthened when it detaches itself from cultivated lands, departs for the wilderness, and comes to to know its original dwelling place until the ends of its life. +
'Likewise, it seems to me that no one can comprehend the opinions of the ancients, nor penetrate the mystery of understanding their books, unless he detaches himself from the world and its affairs, forsakes the body—in mind, not place—and casts off all his passions behind him. +
Manuscripts often provide precious glimpses into the lives of their copyists. Here's one copied by Dionysius Ibrāhīm-Shāh (fl. 16th ce.), Syrian Orthodox Archbishop of Cyprus. The colophon at the end tells us about an unfortunate episode in his life. A 🧵on bishops & burglary. 1/
Oxford, Hunt. 363 is a codex composed of Islamic & Christian texts bound together. @FKrimsti & I came across it in 2019.
The colophon by Dionysius is in Garshūnī (Arabic in Syriac letters). My Arabic transcription for the Syriacless + English translation in images 👇 2/
(N.B. In 👆I have followed modern Arabic orthography in my transcription for the sake of modern reader, hence اعطى not اعطا. I'll come back to this point).
Hello! I am a social and intellectual historian of medieval inter-religious encounters, working mainly with Arabic & Syriac texts, with a passion for sharing my research & teaching.
Below👇 is a master thread of past tweets on my subject (to be updated every so often).
(1) My publication of new finds in the history of Syriac philosophy:
(2) On the so-called Princess Sarah Gospels, a 13th-century Syriac manuscript written in gold ink on blue paper dedicated to the queen of the Ongods in Central Asia:
So the the source mentioning pact between the Christians of #Najran and the emergent Zaydī polity is ʿAlī b. Muḥammad b. ʿUbayd Allāh al-ʿAbbāsī al-ʿAlawī, Sīrat al-Hādī ilā l-Ḥaqq Yaḥyā b. al-Ḥusayn (ed. Suhayl Zakkār). 1/7
The Sīra (biography) is of the founder of the Zaydī imamate in Yemen, Abū l-Ḥusayn b. Yaḥyā b. al-Ḥusayn (d. 911), caliphal name al-Hādī ilā l-Ḥaqq, grandson of the famous theologian, al-Qāsim ibn Ibrahīm al-Rassī (d. 860). 2/7
Its author, al-ʿAlawī, was a follower of al-Hādī & served at his court. His Sīra charts the imam's deeds during his rise to power in modern-day Yemen. He reports a pact signed in 897 between al-Hādī & the Jews & Christians of the fertile region of Najran. 3/7
Re: the date of the newly found Syriac inscription from the region of Najran, Saudia Arabia. Here's a small suggestion of a late terminus ad quem of late 8th/early 9th ce. based on a Syriac literary source I worked with once. 1/6
A letter sent by Timothy I (r. 780 to 823), patriarch-catholicos of 'Nestorian' Church of the East in Baghdad, to the monks of Mar Maron in Syria. Here, Timothy attempts to convince the monks to switch allegiance to his church. 2/6
He makes a number of claims re: his Church's apostolicity, perpetual orthodoxy, and the fact that its christology had never been subject to the whims of a Christian king (the Church of the East having developed outside the Roman Empire, under Sasanian & later Muslim rule). 3/6