Patrick Jaicomo Profile picture
Jun 8, 2022 12 tweets 6 min read Read on X
🧵In Egbert v. Boule today, #SCOTUS has all but overruled Bivens without actually doing so. In effect, the Court has enshrined #FederalImmunity and rights without remedies. To get there, the Court has, again, changed the shifting rules for Bivens . . . 1/

supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf… Image
In denying both 1st and 4th A. claims against a CBP agent who shoved down an innkeeper in his driveway and then retaliated against him for complaining, the Court retcons its Bivens jurisprudence and essentially now announces a rational-basis style test for Bivens.

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The Court also says that the relevant inquiry for considering the Bivens context is not the facts of any given case, but some undefined broad category--in this case Border Agents and national security.
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Adding to that, the Court says that it and lower courts can just make up arguments for the government--even if it does not raise them below, essentially making the Judiciary an advocate against constitutional accountability (and citing @IJ case Oliva v. Nivar):
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Justice Gorsuch concurs. He has the courage to say that what the Court is doing Egbert makes no sense under its precedent and that, if it wants to overrule Bivens, it should pluck up the courage and do it instead of just continuing to beat around the bush:
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Sidenote: Gorsuch relies heavily on the idea that a cause of action to enforce a constitutional right is a right separate and apart from the constitutional right its enforcing. If that's true, I have two questions:
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(1) If Congress must provide a permission slip to enforce a constitutional right, what purpose does the Bill of Rights serve? At that point, it's just a political document, contra Marbury. Without a remedy, a right is not a right. (2) If Congress must provide a cause of . . .
7/
. . . action as a matter of separation of powers, why not for equitable relief? The Court permits claims to enjoin ongoing constitutional violations, despite no statutory cause of action.
(@IJ discusses some of these things in our amicus)
8/
supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/21/2…
Justice Sotomayor dissents with Breyer and Kagan. She points out, like Gorsuch, that the Court's opinion makes no sense under the court's Bivens precedent.

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So, Justice Sotomayor argues that the Fourth Amendment claim does not arise in a "new context" and should be permitted to go forward.

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. . . But even Justices Sotomayor, Breyer, and Kagan, agree with the Court (at least under it's precedent) that there is no Bivens claim available under the First Amendment:

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.@IJ has 2 Bivens cases pending before the Court, but both involve claims against domestic police. What the Court does with those petitions (shortly) will indicate whether Bivens has anything left. Or whether #FederalImmunity is absolute.
/end
ij.org/case/federal-p…

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More from @pjaicomo

May 7
🧵Nearly THREE YEARS after @IJ argued the ankle-monitor case Meade v. ETOH, the 5th Cir. issued an unpublished opinion holding that a judge's private, monetary relationship with a private ankle-monitoring company does not "create an unconstitutional risk of judicial bias."

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New Orleans judge Paul Bonin ordered defendant's to use a specific ankle-monitoring company: ETOH.

ETOH would send the judge the outstanding bills for the $300 "service."

If defendants didn't pay, the judge would threaten to jail them or refuse to release them from monitoring.

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But the judge never disclosed ETOH was run by his former law partner, who (along with the other owner of ETOH) repeatedly made monetary contributions to the judge.

The 5th Cir. held that this wasn't enough to violate due process.

The court gives 3 reasons.

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Read 8 tweets
Apr 26
🧵The gov’t is lying to avoid due process.

4/7: In JJG v. Trump, SCOTUS held that the D.C. District Court lacked habeas jurisdiction.

Still, SCOTUS held that Alien Enemy detainees are entitled to notice “in such a manner as will allow them to actually seek habeas relief.”

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4/14: AG Bondi promulgated a memo to all federal police.

Directly contradicting SCOTUS, Bondi ordered police to falsely tell all AEA detainees they are “not entitled to a hearing, appeal, or judicial review of the apprehension and removal warrant.”

This memo stayed secret.

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4/23: The gov’t opposed a TRO in another AEA case, JAV v. Trump.

There it said the gov’t “developed procedures for aliens” subject to the AEA per SCOTUS in JJG.

It cited a SEALED decl., claiming each detainee is served an English form that’s read and explained in Spanish.

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Read 6 tweets
Apr 7
The Supreme Court just struck down Boasberg’s TRO in Trump v. JJG - the Alien Enemies Act, case.

The decision is disappointing in its application to people the gov’t already renditioned without due process (and seems to encourages the gov’t to evade judicial review), but… 1/Image
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SCOTUS confirms, contrary to what demagogues like @StephenM and @mrddmia have been screaming, that illegal aliens get due process and that the Alien Enemies Act requires notice and an opportunity to be heard *before* removal. This means habeas in the district of confinement. 2/ Image
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@StephenM @mrddmia JJG also confirms that the gov’t violated the constitutional rights of every person on the planes to CECOT, but they’re effectively outlaws because of prospective application.

Kavanaugh concurs to say, in large part b/c of War on Terror excesses, the decision isn’t novel. 3/ Image
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Read 10 tweets
Feb 16
Now that I’ve sat with it, I have a broader critique of @ilan_wurman and @RandyEBarnett’s anti-birthright-citizenship theory.

If the citizenship clause is really about allegiance, it seems incredible that the 14th Amendment’s drafters wouldn’t have spelled that out.

Why? 1/3 Image
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Because the 14th Amendment was, of course, passed as a result of the Civil War.

If citizenship turned on allegiance, that would have opened a Pandora’s box of questions pertaining to the citizenship status of, at least, confederate leaders, and, at most, all southerners. 2/3 Image
If the issue is allegiance, the child of Honduran immigrant who permanently (albeit illegally) moved to the U.S. for a better life surely has more allegiance to U.S. law than Winnie Davis, who was born while her dad was the president of the CSA and waging war against the U.S. 3/3 Image
Read 6 tweets
Jan 18
🧵As we await decisions on the #SCOTUS relists of @IJ’s #WrongHouseRaid cert. petitions, I want to highlight how these cases expose a judicial hypocrisy.

Factually, they’re similar.

SWAT teams raided the wrong house without checking the address.

Legally, they’re distinct. 1/8 Image
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Despite the cases involving different statutes (1983 v FTCA), immunities (qualified v sovereign), types of cops (city PD v FBI), circuits (5th v 11th), the outcomes were identical.

Even though SWAT raided the wrong addresses, innocent families were left to bear the costs. 2/8 Image
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So here’s the judicial hypocrisy.

In 2022’s Egbert v. Boule, SCOTUS eviscerated Bivens’ cause of action for constitutional claims against federal officials.

Its justification was separation of powers:

Providing a damages action is the role of Congress, not the judiciary. 3/8 Image
Read 8 tweets
Mar 24, 2023
🧵 @IJ's been fighting hard against #FirstAmendment retaliation - litigating a dozen cases in the past few years. But people don't realize that #SCOTUS has all but killed retaliatory *arrest* claims. It's wild. Let me tell you about it (and our case👇). 1/
ij.org/case/castle-hi…
While #SCOTUS is very protective of prior restraint on @USConst_Amend_I and kinda protective of non-arrest retaliation (but see #QualifiedImmunity), it's openly hostile to retaliatory arrest claims. See Nieves v. Bartlett. 2/ ImageImageImage
Worse still, the reason #SCOTUS immunizes police from retaliatory arrest claims? Pure *policy* (AKA judicial activism). You can't enforce the #FirstAmendment because police have a tough job. Seriously. Justice Gorsuch points this out in his concurrence in Nieves. 3/ ImageImage
Read 12 tweets

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