1. What policies to best dampen economic costs? What's been done? What should still be done?
I'll differentiate between
a) supply-side policies = replacing Russian gas w other gas
b) demand-side policies = reducing gas demand by households & industry, adjusting supply chains
1a) On supply side, Robert Habeck and @BMWK have implemented some impressive measures in last months, like fast-tracking LNG terminals that should hopefully be operational in Jan 2023.
Thanks to these measures, Germany is much less reliant on Russian gas than before the war.
Thursday's @bnetza analysis suggests that complete cut = about 30% of total consumption (HT @christianbaye13) as compared to ~55% before war.
(Logic: scenario 2.2. --> 10% gas shortage on p8 & add back in 20% demand reduction on p7 = very rough approx.)
Fortunately, things are changing. Here's Habeck yesterday declaring "gas is now a scarce resource in Germany." This was after setting in motion the second stage of the national "gas emergency plan".
Here's a good interview with @andreasloeschel: "What's missing from the government's relief package: companies and consumers should save a lot more gas."
.@jsuedekum and @NinaScheer_SPD recently fleshed out in more detail the idea of passing higher gas prices onto households in combination with compensation based on past consumption in the nice form of an "energy saving bonus" (#Energiesparbonus).
He reckons that combination of the various policies and market mechanisms would actually yield the 30% drop of gas consumption required to be independent from Russia (see above for source of 30%).
The importance of demand-side measures was also an important part of our import stop paper and we suggested some concrete measures, see Section 4 econtribute.de/RePEc/ajk/ajkp…
Though somehow I think most people didn't read that far!
2. Given measures to date, will costs be smaller or larger than estimates from March/April?
For comparison, here's the literature as of April.
How would the costs compare to those from your favorite study?
There are two-offsetting effects and the overall effect is unclear:
First the impressive supply-side measures I discussed above. Also on supply-side, gas storages are now fuller than 3 months ago, roughly 58% compared to 25% (graph from @RobinBrooksIIF)
This obviously lowers the economic costs.
Second, and counteracting these effects: lost time on demand side.
Seasonality of gas demand --> critical time horizon = next winter.
A key principle of economics = substitutability increases with the time horizon. And we have just lost 3 valuable months until the winter.
In those 3 months, no policies aimed at decreasing gas demand were implemented, demand decreased much less / supply chains adjusted much less than they should have, and so on.
Lost time on demand side increases economic costs and counteracts positive developments on supply side.
For those who like equations, look at the constant-elasticity production function in our appendix benjaminmoll.com/RussianGas_app…
Positive supply-side effect: gas shock is smaller
Negative demand-side effect: the elasticity of substitution σ is now lower
The overall effect is unclear.
Aside: the idea that elasticities increase with time is a very old and important one going back to Paul Samuelson and is sometimes called the "Le Chatelier Principle", see for example web.stanford.edu/~milgrom/publi…
Purely based on gut feeling (I do sometimes use that too!) my guess would be: the two effects roughly offset
So re our own study I'd probably still say: rough order of magnitude = up to 3% GDP/GNE loss (rel. to no gas cut)
But obv gut feelings can't replace proper calculations.
Aside: one thing I've always found amazing is that many people think 2 or 3% are tiny numbers. They are not. Instead, they are "substantial but manageable" (with policy).
For example, Habeck recently said "only 2% GDP loss" which I found quite surprising
First, it's important to say that it's still true that less oil and gas revenues are bad for the Russian economy and will ultimately affect Putin's ability to wage war.
And in particular @sguriev on just how important energy sales are in Russia's government budget (this also includes oil, not just gas, and oil is more important).
There's a problem however: gas prices are up by about a factor of 10. So even though gas flows are way down, Gazprom's sales (price*quantity) are still up (relative to a year ago).
At the same time: look at the slope of sales in this graph. It's pointing downwards very sharply.
Why would Putin cut gas sales even though it hurts the Russian economy and his government's budget?
The answer must be: to sow political discord in Europe.
So Putin's gamble likely is: even though the costs for Russia may be large, he thinks that in the short run he (personally) can withstand these costs better than Europe.
And, much more importantly: an embargo or tariff back then would have had a much better chance of affecting Putin's ability to wage war in a decisive fashion.
Finally as @MSchularick says the German government’s plan to “just fill the gas storage to 90%” was perhaps not THAT well thought out after all.
And some more thoughts from @elinaribakova, who knows the Russian and Ukranian economies better than almost anyone (and certainly myself) and whom you should all follow:
Clarification on demand-side policies: of course the German government didn't just sit around idly (and this should not be the takeaway from my thread).
Excellent thread with intuitive explanations why people claiming energy sanctions won't affect Putin's ability to wage war in Ukraine either haven't thought things through or are arguing in bad faith.
An example by @M_C_Klein: "Russia has lost access to many imports" and therefore "the oil boycott will hurt ordinary Europeans at least as much as it impairs Putin’s war effort. It should be understood mainly as a moral gesture rooted in self-denial"
Where does this "production multiplier" of 5 come from?
From an important paper on supply chain disruptions after Fukushima by Vasco Carvalho, Makoto Nirei, Yukiko Saito & Alireza Tahbaz-Salehi @QJEHarvard which indeed finds substantial amplification.
We asked Alireza Tahbaz-Salehi & Vasco Carvalho what they thought of the @tom_krebs_ calculation. Here is what they said:
"We ourselves would not use that Japan- and earthquake-specific number as a starting point for a quantitative assessment of energy disruptions in Europe."
"[Ein Ölembargo] ist überfällig und nötig. [...] Die geplante schrittweise Einführung bis zum Jahresende ist aber nicht ambitioniert genug. Wenn man die Einnahmequellen für Putins Kriegsmaschinerie effektiv treffen will, muss das Embargo wesentlich schneller greifen."
"Obwohl das Ölembargo auch den Maschinen- und Anlagenbau indirekt weiter belasten wird, sieht der VDMA angesichts des aggressiven und menschenverachtenden Verhaltens Russlands in der Ukraine keine Alternative zu einer weiteren Verschärfung der Sanktionen."
@fromTGA mentions our paper "It would cost a lot, maybe 2-3% of GDP, but it’s doable"
@W_Schmidt_ then says a few things we would like to react to.
2/
Some of these statements are either misleading or plainly wrong.
More importantly though @W_Schmidt_ simply dismisses a whole body of work that concludes: economic costs of an embargo would be substantial (eg jobs would be lost) but not catastrophic.
First, in its literal interpretation, the sentence "there is no German chemical industry" is demonstrably false.
Anyone can see for themselves by simply reading our paper and I'm sure @tom_krebs_ was aware of this.
1/
Now if you read @tom_krebs_ article in more detail, that's not actually what he means.
Instead his criticism is that we use a common elasticity of substitution for household consumption ("turn down heating") and different sectors in industry ("cracking furnaces").
Will: Is [continuing to buy Russian energy] really your answer to people dying in Ukraine?
Scholz: Three answers. The first is: because of our precise sanctions, which are also aimed at the Russian central bank, Putin cannot do anything with the money he has in his accounts[...]
That is: we have made sure that the several hundred billion already stored in these accounts cannot be used at all, so it is very unlikely that this connection even exists, because this applies to any new income in just the same way as for income that has already been earned ...