I continue to look for signs of long-term stability or problems in Russian military personnel recruitment and retention for 2023+ as a result of their war on Ukraine. Some preliminary thoughts from about the Russian spring draft. Conscript intake numbers are low so far (/1).
The 2022 spring draft runs from April – 15 July; roughly 85% of the time has elapsed as of today. In the 8 Russian regions I found information on conscription intake, most are at 30% or less of their conscript quota as of mid-June (/2)
8 oblasts is only 17% of total in Russia, but all 8 are coming up short as of June. These regions are geographically diverse and diverse in population density. This suggests an overall trend of sluggish conscript intake. (/3)
How low are the numbers I’ve found in 8 regions? The best I found was 35% intake with 66% of time elapsed. Most were between 18-30%. Some as low as single digit % of quota, with 66% of draft period time elapsed. (/4)
I attempted to compare these regions to previous draft cycles to see if this lag is typical. For example is there a big surge at the end of the cycle? And there sometimes is. Lots of holes in the information but, (/5)
For the few data points I found, the spring 2022 draft intake numbers are lower at this point than the same point in previous cycles, suggesting this spring is different. With only a few data points available, this view should be caveated significantly and revised as needed (/6)
Earlier, I noted that the casualty rates, stonewalling from the military about conditions, and pressures on conscripts, families in Russia might return to the old ways of hiding their sons or paying bribes to keep them away from the draft (/7) foreignaffairs.com/articles/russi…
..or potential draftees delay arriving at the commissariat for as long as possible. Already bribes are happening, apparently the going rate is 14,000 rubles in Siberia for a fake exemption (fines if caught are much higher) /8
In some regions, parents want assurances from commissariats that their sons won’t be sent to Ukraine. I noted before that when MOD leaders make statements that conscripts won’t be sent to the front line, it’s usually a sign of their worry. 2022 edition: vesti.ru/article/2696722
The Duma is changing the law that conscripts can now convert directly to contract service immediately upon being drafted, instead of waiting 3-4 months to go through basic training (i.e., allowing conscripts be legally eligible to fight in Ukraine immediately). (/10)
This is being done to fill holes, along with Russia’s other sources of personnel. The pressure on conscripts walking through the door to convert to contract service will be intense: large sums of money, peer pressure, lack of knowledge on rights etc. /11 iz.ru/1355498/2022-0…
What are signposts that Russia is struggling to make conscription quotas? They will extend the draft period through the summer to reach the number. They may or may not announce the extension. (/12)
a more serious signpost would be a more muscular search for those who are trying to evade or delay their summons, to once again check documents on the street, knocking on doors, going to their job, school, etc, like it was in the 90s or early 2000s. (/13)
So far there is no indication of that. There could be a lag in intake and by end of July they will announce that quotas were met. (/14)
In sum, it’s too soon to tell if there are problems in conscription that can't be recovered by the end of this summer. Some early data points suggest problems; perhaps families are holding back their sons or making deferment arrangements. I’ll keep updating this thread. (END)
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I've returned from a research trip to Ukraine, where I met many people in Kyiv and along the frontlines. They are brave and kind in ways that words fail to capture. The situation is serious and urgent for many reasons. I share my thoughts in the thread below. /1
As officials and others have already said publicly, Ukraine is facing a shortage of manpower - infantry in particular. Mobilization has not brought relief for many reasons. More impacts in the story below. /2 ft.com/content/adbef9…
Manpower and force employment issues are challenges right now, and manpower is stretched across the front. A shortage of western weapons was not the most critical issue during this particular snapshot in time, although it has been in the past. /3
Today, Putin increased the military’s size for the 3rd time since 2022. Can they sustain 1.5M postwar, at a time when the budget will be under pressure to procure equipment? Not without tradeoffs. See my new report for more on this and other tradeoffs👇 carnegieendowment.org/research/2024/…
My report discusses why an increase to the standing army’s size by 30% to 1.5 million, simultaneous to a sweeping procurement program, would require a significant reordering of Russia’s economy and labor market beyond where it is now- the Kremlin has not wanted to do that so far.
1.5 million makes more sense as a temporary wartime number that can be readjusted down to the more financially manageable 1 million postwar via a new order /ukaz.
A brief 🧵about updates and observations about Russian forces' response in Kursk and Russian operations in Donetsk near Pokrovsk. I start by including guidance from Admiral Stockdale, as it's been meaningful to me in my analytic practice, perhaps others will find it helpful too.
Since this thread, Russia has set up a command structure for Kursk. It's been declared a "counter-terrorist operation) and Defmin Belousov set up a "coordination council" that meets every day and named Yunis-Bek Yevkurov as the deputy./2
On 20 August, Russia announced the creation of three operational groupings in Belgorod, Briansk, and Kursk to better manage the forces in the area. The idea makes sense but is somewhat undermined by the hodge- podge of units available for the area /3
Russia begins its response to Ukraine's incursion into Kursk. Multiple ministries are involved and the command structure is still forming. Someone in Ukraine knew what they were doing and exploited a weak seam in Russian C2. A few important issues to watch: 🧵
Russia has declared its defense operation to be a "counter-terrorist operation" (KTO in Russian). This is a domestic operation and the FSB and Rosgvardia have roles along with the military. This is what the war in Chechnya was called from 1999 until it ended./2
Putin has instructed the FSB (+ its border troops) and Rosgvardia to defend the borders and assist this operation. He also told the military today that their main task is driving out Ukrainian forces from Russian territory and countering Ukrainian recon and sabotage groups /3
Shoigu is out as Defense Minister, moving into head of Security Council. Andrei Belousov , an economist, is taking over. My quick thoughts on what it means for MOD, and what to look about changes possible in the near term. /1
First, Shoigu is moving into a respectable and powerful position because he is loyal, and he and Putin are friends. it’s a signal that Putin listens to chatter and understands that Shoigu needed to leave the MOD, where he was just tolerated by his ministry and other agencies. /2
Belousov has no military experience at all or background in the military. He’s an economist. This will raise questions within the military who will fear a repeat of serdyukov. So I anticipate some unformed officer favorites appointed to leadership positions to balance this. /3
Ukrainian officials say attacks on border areas in Kharkiv Oblast have begun. Is this the beginnings of a new front, limited incursion ("sanitary zone"), or harassment? Where does this lead? Threat= capability x intent, so let's consider both below. 👇
Intent: Putin in March said he wanted a "sanitary zone" aka occupied buffer zone inside Kharkiv, in response to shelling or cross border raids from groups like RDK. /2 apnews.com/article/russia…
Intent: a few weeks ago, the MOD elevated the Russian group of forces from “Border Protection” to Operational Group North – making it equivalent to the other Operational Groups of Forces. /3