A thought-provoking article by @PhillipsPOBrien about how we overstated Russia's great power capabilities: theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/…. Let me disagree with some of the key arguments for the sake of the argument.
The first point, as @DAlperovitch has rightly pointed out, is that great powers do lose wars, and lose them badly, Vietnam and Afghanistan being of course the key case studies. It didn't make the US or the USSR lesser great powers that they lost wars in Vietnam and Afghanistan.
The Soviets "lost" their winter war against Finland (although "losing" is a relative concept - in the end, it was Finland that lost territory). But still the USSR went on to win a war against an incomparably more powerful foe, Nazi Germany.
The second point is that we have to keep in mind that while Ukraine has performed exceptionally well against the Russians, it heavily relies on Western military support; if the plug were pulled, it is likely that Ukraine would have been overrun.
We continue to sustain Ukraine to the tune of 5-7 billion USD a month, a fact that the article does not mention.
The third point is that, lamentably, the war in Ukraine shows that it's best not to get into wars with great powers. The biggest loser of the war is Ukraine itself, which has been cannibalised, and which faces dire and very uncertain prospects.
And of course the possibility of escalation remains very much alive, and we can't say that we have learned anything from Ukraine until it's well and truly over, and that won't be for some time.
In short, one might argue that we overrated Russia's relative power vis-a-vis Ukraine but, thinking again, we actually didn't. The big lessons Russia's neighbours are learning is 1) strengthen deterrence via NATO if the option is available and 2) don't poke the bear if it isn't.

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More from @DrRadchenko

Jul 2
Why did Putin order the invasion of Ukraine? To disappoint readers: I don't know. But here's a thread about methodology, i.e. how I will approach this question in my future research. 👇🏿
There are two ways to approach Putin's invasion of Ukraine. The first is to argue that it was ideologically motivated, i.e. that he was an imperialist, and that Ukraine was about this - rebuilding the Russian Empire.
There is some evidence for this point of view (e.g. his various deranged articles and interviews). In this reading, the war was basically inevitable because no amount of reasoning with Putin would have made any difference. He didn't have any real grievances.
Read 9 tweets
Jul 2
I am being criticized for this particular take, which some compare to victim-blaming. Let me double-down. Russia is waging a brutal, unjustified war against Ukraine. What are the lessons? There are two sets of lessons: one for small and medium powers, the other for great powers.
You might think the lesson for small and medium powers is that Russia's military power was overrated etc etc, so it's basically a paper tiger. But I think that the lesson for small and medium powers is that Russia is a dangerous and unpredictable neighbour.
Therefore, the key lesson is: seek protection in collective security & deterrence if this option is available. Finland and Sweden have presently embraced this option by seeking membership in NATO, and it's not because they underestimate the damage Russia is capable of inflicting.
Read 5 tweets
Jun 30
As to what historical analogy I disagree with, it's here. Let's take Crimea as a case study. Annexed in 2014, Crimea has about 2.4 million people. The vast majority are ethnically Russian.
A whole generation (hundreds of thousands of people) have come of age since 2014. There is whole generation of school children, for instance, who have never known Crimea *except* after it had been annexed by Russia.
Let's say not all of them are toxic nationalists and Putinists but many will probably regard reversion to Ukraine's control as a form of reverse annexation.
Read 6 tweets
Jun 30
A thought-provoking piece by @samagreene. Lots to disagree with tbf (in particular in relation to Ukraine's prospects for recovering Crimea) - largely because the article makes highly disputable historical analogies - but it's definitely worth reading.
In particular, I liked his argument about Putin being able to change his goals as the war proceeds. This seems beyond any doubt. For as long as Russia can gain ground, it will gain ground, and all that can stop it is Ukraine's performance on the battlefield. Which means weapons.
The argument about nuclear non-proliferation is so-so in the sense that we have long known (at least since Libya & Iraq) that possession of nuclear weapons might be an attractive option for middling powers. Ukraine will not have substantially altered this perception.
Read 4 tweets
Jun 29
A pretty impressive document. Strikes the right balance on Russia, e.g. Image
That's good, though I think being more rhetorically forthcoming about the possibility of Russia's eventual membership (which won't happen anyway) would take the edge off the argument that NATO raison d'être is to screw Russia. Image
Bucharest, most reasonable observers will agree, was a disastrous blunder. But I guess one has to reaffirm disastrous blunders for reasons of credibility. Image
Read 4 tweets
Jun 27
An article about 19th c. Russian literature which claims that the "roots of Russia's violence against its neighbours" are with Pushkin, Lermontov and Dostoevsky. The argument is unconvincing as anyone with any knowledge of comparative 19th c. literature will readily attest.
I think the author understands this, and I think he's making a pitch for the critical study of more Russian literature in the West (which is good). More broadly, directly linking "Pushkin's ideology (whatever it is) to Putin's deranged rhetoric is far fetched. "A straight line"?!
It's btw one of many articles I have read in recent months about what monstrosities 19th c. Russian writers actually were. Still, there's been a declining interest in Dostoevsky and Pushkin since 2004. Maybe that will change now that we've discovered that they were imperialists?
Read 9 tweets

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