People are understandably impatient about the resignation letter. This is a bit of an explainer on why it’s taking so long.
Gotabaya knows he needs head of state treatment and immunity to get to wherever he’s going. Losing this means he’s an ordinary criminal on the run.
In that journey, unless facilitated through private carriers, he will have to face the ire of the citizens of the world.
Even in choosing his final destination/safe haven, he will need guarantees of non-prosecution in their domestic legal systems (if such laws exist),
and there being no extradition treaty with Sri Lanka or any other country willing to hold him to account for the many injustices he’s implicated in.
This is not an immediately straightforward process, and he doesn’t care what happens in Sri Lanka the more he delays his letter.
For Gotabaya, the Presidency and the immunity that came with it, was, in many ways, his way of escaping justice too, as much as it was for power hunger and the opportunity to loot more for the family.
Just in case this explanation raises hope for international justice using universal jurisdiction or other means, I’d like to say, if only to manage expectations, this is not at all an easy or guaranteed path to accountability, but many have been trying.
That is why the work of the UNHRC’s evidence gathering mechanism (one example) is important.
So while it's important for people to wait to see that all-important resignation letter from President Gotabaya, it’s also important to move forward and demand the resignation of the acting President/PM Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Why is this important even though Ranil's appointment as acting President is provided for in Article 37(1) of the Constitution?
Because people have legitimate reasons for distrusting him, and there won't be any stability until he resigns too.
As @SurenFernando explains, if the office of PM is vacant at the time the President resigns, there won't be a governance crisis/vacuum as Ranil wants people to believe.
The Speaker becomes the acting President with power to facilitate governance by appointing a new PM pending the election of a new President by Parliament.
As @LuwieNiranjan says, if acting President Ranil is interested to become a more legitimate President, he may be elected in by a majority in Parliament when the election takes place (so far this is on 20th July).
10 July. Military stand guard barring entry to the lower sections of the Presidential Secretariat while throngs of people wait at the doors above for their turn to go in. #gohomegota
A broken chair placed outside, for photo ops. People having their day in office - shows how distant people have felt from the ruling political elite.
An almost full moon lurks behind overcast skies - a deadline for President @GotabayaR to resign as promised by 13 July, Esala full moon poya. Banners for accountability prevail on the lawns of the President’s Secretariat. Justice has been hard to come by,
Since the announcement that there are no confirmed petrol shipments till at least the 3rd week of July, the govt. hasn’t announced anything about how people are supposed to survive in the interim. No official communication on tokens, who is eligible as essential workers, etc.
For weeks and months, people have been helping each other out with information on WhatsApp groups and Facebook pages, since there’s no efficient, reliable information made available by the govt.
While appreciating its not an enviable position to be in, @kanchana_wij, the country doesn’t have the luxury of waiting around while you look for USDs to buy fuel to meet demand. As a minister, you’re supposed to provide interim solutions too. The information provided is zero!
I have more than a few points on which I disagree with DJ on his latest column. I'll try to elaborate, but I don't want to be dragged into a lengthy back and forth over this.
1) At this political moment, Sri Lanka has indeed exhausted all domestic remedies, IMO.
The 20th Amendment was probably the last straw, dismantling the less politicised (short of depoliticised) appointment process to key independent commissions, senior judiciary, AG, IGP etc. brought in by the 19A's Constitutional Council.
Under 20A, all the appointments I listed are subservient to the Executive to not only get appointments but in some cases also to remain in their posts.
HRCSL for e.g., I reckon will be downgraded by GANHRI.