I've found it profitable to trade on a distinction between what I've termed "operational" vs. "structural" #PHLaw#PublicHealthLaw
One task public health lawyers can perform is helping public health officials understand the full scope of their legal authority.
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This task is critically important to functional public health governance, esp. b/c the scope of this authority has changed rather dramatically in the US since the Palpatine began.
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We might term this work "operational public health law," since it is focused on operative provisions of public health law that govern the scope of (at least) state action. It can illuminate what interventions public health officials can "operationalize."
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However critical operational public health law work is, and it is critical, we cannot permit it to exhaust the field itself, because then we have essentially doomed ourselves to simply replicating the status quo.
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In other words, we need to do more with and through public health law than explicating what the law *is* and defining the scope of the boundaries of legal and public health governance authority.
If this is all we do, we fail to conceive of what ought to be.
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We let what we CAN do define the scope of what we OUGHT to do, which basically perpetuates the naturalistic fallacy and virtually ensures we will never move beyond current perceived limitations.
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Thus, we also need to spend some time & effort thinking about what can be termed "structural public health law." Here we consider what structures does current public health law advance/stymie? Do these structures improve overall population health AND compress inequities?
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Moreover, what is the structure of the public health laws we do and don't have? Are they sufficient to advance social and/or health justice? If not, what laws need to be changed? What laws need to be implemented? What laws need to be enacted?
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Hopefully, it's obvious that this Dx btw "operational" and "structural" public health law explicitly demands we engage in normative inquiry. We don't necessarily have to engage deep ethical quandaries just to practice public health law;
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But if we do not exercise our moral faculties, if we do not integrate public health ethics into public health law, we may fail to see the inadequacies of current legal structures and fail to conceive of legal and policy remedies.
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tl;dr:
We need to integrate normative #PHEthx into #PHLaw. The latter without the former runs the risk of a rather blunt and positivistic implement for preserving the unjust status quo.
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I am super happy to announce that I have been awarded a US$5000 grant from @StraussLibrary to develop an OER ("Open Educational Resource") Casebook of Public Health Ethics Teaching Cases.
Other than the wonderful CDC Casebook, teaching cases in #PHEthx are scarce.
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I should know, since I have been scraping the Internet for a decade trying to find them. One of the first-day axioms in #PHEthx is that in important ways it is simply different from health care/clinical ethics. Good teaching cases must reflect these differences.
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But some of the early casebooks are frankly dated, and other than the remarkable CDC Casebook ⬇️ there simply are not any good collections of cases really focused on public health ethics & law/policy (let alone open-source ones, either).
Tomorrow's session in our doctoral seminar on public health ethics centers "Disability, Ethics, & Public Health."
We began this convo in the fall history of public health seminar via extensive discussions on eugenics and basic notions in critical disability studies.
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Tomorrow we'll extend our work by attempt to apply working knowledge of #DisabilityJustice and #DisabilityEthics to public health practice and policy. Last week's application exercise of the REAP Framework in evaluating the influence of #StructuralRacism in policy serves +
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As a critical bridge to this week's unit, since of course ableism and racism intersect past and present in all sorts of nefarious ways in public health contexts.
(The app exercise involves continuous Medicaid coverage under the current PHE)
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I see that we are still slavishly worshipping at the idol of RCTs in epidemiologic science as the evidentiary warrant for public health action. I have written LOTS on the foolishness of this, its disastrous ethical & policy implications, & it's role in #ManufactureOfDoubt.
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It's almost as if people have never heard of the #PrecautionaryPrinciple. If we demanded evidence of exposure-harm or intervention-benefit that flowed from RCTs to warrant public health interventions, we would have essentially NO public health action AT ALL.
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More on this, from my 2016 paper on importance of maintaining epistemically reasonable standards for proof of harm (& benefit!) as warrant for public health action:
(The subject of the paper is COIs and lays out my arg for regarding them as ordinary epidemiologic exposures)
I've been studying chronic pain for going on 15 years now. I have some thoughts on this, many of which I've articulated elsewhere and for some time now:
The headline and the article fundamentally misconstrues the primary causes of the devastating and highly inequitable undertreatment of pain in the US (and globally, but that's another conversation).
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The primary causes for our failures in treating people in pain humanely and effectively are not connected to lack of technical, clinical, or scientific knowledge.
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Speaking as someone who studies anxieties about malingering and their connections to health, disability, & social policy, the framing of this NYT article is enormously problematic.
The article is well-written, but it leaves out an enormous amount of context. Most importantly, ADA and disability law violations are de rigeur. They are common, frequent, every day occurrences. Ask people w/ mobility impairments how airlines handle their wheelchairs.
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Ask hearing-impaired or Deaf people about the availability of SL-fluent interpreters in public accommodations. And on and on and on. It's endless.
As w/ most forms of civil rights and antidiscrimination laws in the US, the rules are observed in the breach.
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I really, really wish that non-Jews would immediately cease trying to define Jewish identity on here. It's transgressive and a basic violation of any commitment to antiracist and anti-oppressive praxis.
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Jewish identity, like many other social identities, is extraordinarily complex. Jewish people who live it often passionately disagree with each other on identity. If you don't live it, the odds that you're going to get anywhere close to the mark are vanishingly small.
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The odds that you are going to screw it up and perpetuate one of the most vicious and enduring racisms on the planet is a heckuva lot higher than you think.
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