A short answer to the question of why Tsarist Russia never tried to take part in the scramble for Africa is: it did.
A follow-up 🧵 on Russia's uncomfortable colonial past. 1/
In 1888, imperial periodicals excitedly reported about the establishment of a Russian African colony, New Moscow (in modern-day Djibouti), which was founded by the adventurer Nikolai Ashinov to gain Russia a foothold in the Indian Ocean and eventually "annex" nearby Ethiopia. 2/
The colony didn't last long and was kicked out by the French in 1889, but it was enough to spark the imperial imagination. The press dreamt about the prospects of having Russia's own coffee, the Russian settlement of Africa, and the spread of Orthodoxy in the continent. 3/
Ashinov's colonial expedition secured support from some of the leading public figures and senior officials, including Alexander III. After its failure, the government denied its involvement. Instead, it switched to establishing Russia's informal empire in Ethiopia. 4/
At the turn of the century, Tsarist Russia put much effort to strengthen its "friendship" with Ethiopia. Publicly, it always stressed that Russia helped defend Ethiopia against colonial powers. This is when Russia's "anti-colonial" rhetoric got into full swing. 5/
The Foreign Ministry's confidential correspondence gives a different picture. Russia's consul Petr Vlasov called Ethiopia "an obedient weapon in our hands," only useful as a leverage over other colonial powers, especially in case of war. 6/
He speculated about turning it into a "colony in the wider sense of the word," by military conquest, but advised against it for practical reasons. The ministry itself envisaged economic exploitation of the country in the future. This is where the man in the photo steps in. 7/
Nikolai Leont'ev, known in Ethiopia as Count Abai, led a research expedition to the country in 1894, won trust of Menelik II and helped Ethiopia to fend off the Italians, which earned him the office of Governor-General of Equatorial provinces (which he himself invented). 8/
Leont'ev was obsessed with the idea of exploiting the country's mineral riches and, in 1902, invited Nicholas II to take over "his rights to these provinces" in view of the "inevitable partition" of Ethiopia. This meant a colonial intervention. 9/
The idea of pursuing economic interests in Ethiopia was supported by Russia's resident minister, who hoped this would allow the empire to forcefully interfere in the country’s internal affairs. These plans never materialized, and Russia lost its influence on Ethiopia. 10/
What this all shows us is that Tsarist Russia never lacked the intention to colonize Africa. It only lacked means. end/
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A massive blast wave from a Ukrainian drone strike on an arms depot near Toropets in central Russia shook the grave of one of the most notorious figures in Russian imperial history. Who was he? This 🧵will take you through some of the darkest chapters of Russia's colonial past.
On September 18, the “Ukraine war” made a sudden visit to every household in Toropets, shattering windows and knocking down doors. Standing silently before the towering mushroom cloud was a bronze monument to General Aleksei Kuropatkin, the region's most famous native. 2/
Today, his name would hardly ring any bell for anyone unfamiliar with the history of imperial Russia. But in the early 20th century, Kuropatkin's name was known worldwide. He embodied the quintessential colonialist—wherever the empire expanded, he was there to serve it. 3/
Among the reasons Crimea holds a special place in the Russian imagination is its prominence as the theater of military action during 1854–56. However, the Crimean War was also Russia's first major encounter with the peninsula, 70 years after its annexation.🧵
As the war erupted, a massive flow of tsarist troops surged into Crimea from the Russian provinces, while in return, letters, newspaper articles, and travel notes flowed back from the Crimean shores to the metropole. It seemed that everyone who could write was eager to share their impressions of the unfamiliar land they were encountering for the first time. 2/
After Russia's disastrous defeat, the flow of impressions only intensified. Officers, journalists, and other members of educated society sought to explain the significance of this place, where so much blood had been spilled. Among them was Aleksandr Pogosskii, a publisher of influential journals aimed specifically at rank-and-file soldiers, such as Soldatskaia beseda and later Dosug i delo. 3/
Showcasing migrants in an exhibition to emphasize the allegedly negative aspects of their impact on the urban life of a metropolis is not something we expect to see today. Yet, this is precisely what a current exhibition in Moscow is doing. Why?🧵
The man in the photo above is taking a selfie in front of a kebab shop. This entire scene is part of an exhibit, and the man is the chairman of the Moscow City Duma, visiting one of the largest and most ambitious exhibitions held in Russia's capital in recent years. The exhibition, titled "Moscow 2030," depicts the city as a techno-utopia come true, seemingly untouched by the realities of war. 2/
Visitors to the Manege Exhibition Hall are invited to explore two contrasting visions of Moscow: the "vibrant" city of today, boasting cutting-edge transport infrastructure... 3/
In 1858, as China was losing the Second Opium War, the Russian Empire forced it to conclude an unequal treaty, seizing over 600,000 km² of Outer Manchuria under the threat of invasion. This colonial land grab was justified using the language of security concerns: 🧵
As the architect of the treaty, Count Nikolai Muraviev, stated: "Do not believe, gentlemen, that Russia is greedy for the expansion of her frontiers... All Russia cares for is the security of her boundaries."
Russia assured this would be its last and only advance into China. 2/
However, just 2 years later, right after the British and the French had burned the Summer Palace of the emperor in Beijing, Russia took advantage of China's defeat to enforce a second unequal treaty, annexing yet another enormous portion of China's territory along the Pacific. 3/
"There is no room for goodness. Just kill! Don't pity them, don't! (...) Only total executions. (...) No humanity. No pardon. They have no right to live. Execute, execute, and execute."
Deputy Chairman of Russia's Security Council Dmitry Medvedev on what to do with Ukrainians.
Calling for mass executions of "Ukrainian monsters," Medvedev ends his appeal with the final lines of the famous 1942 verse by Konstantin Simonov "Kill him!":
So kill at least one of them
And as soon as you can. Still
Each one you chance to see!
Kill him! Kill him! Kill!
Thanks to Simonov and the prominent Soviet journalist Ilya Ehrenburg (who argued that "If you haven't killed at least one German in a day, your day is wasted"), the words "Kill a German!" became one of the most popular slogans of Soviet WWII propaganda.
Russian KA-52 pilot and milblogger Aleksei Voevoda admits that a woman – a gas station operator – was kidnapped and tortured by Russian troops in a basement in Zaporizhzhia Oblast because of him simply for saying, "Good evening. Tap your card" in Ukrainian. A few thoughts: 🧵
We may safely assume that this was not a one-off episode and that punishment for speaking Ukrainian is a systematic practice in the occupied parts of Ukraine's south. Voevoda himself claims that it helped to "cleanse [Mariupol and Berdiansk] from khokhol shit." 2/
Voevoda acknowledged this in a conversation with prominent pro-war blogger Kirill Fedorov, who recently called Ukrainians "biological trash." Such language in a war context is a call for action. This kind of eliminationist rhetoric is ideologically driven. 3/