adam wolfe Profile picture
Aug 10 26 tweets 7 min read
Germany, Japan and Korea are all in trade deficit, but China’s surplus is on track to surpass $1tn this year. That shows just how weak domestic demand is. But if China’s trade surplus is blowing out, why isn’t its current account? A very nerdy investigative thread! 1/ Image
China’s current account balance is mostly dictated by the import & export of goods. Foreign tourism (and a methodological change in 2014) has partly offset the goods surplus in recent years, but Covid means that’s not the cause of discrepancy now. 2/ Image
The discrepancy is in the goods account. China Customs records merchandise trade, while the State Administration of Foreign Exchange (SAFE) reports the balance of payments. SAFE mostly gets its goods data from Customs but makes a few adjustments. 3/ Image
Before 2015, SAFE used the Customs data but reduced the import bill by a uniform 5% to remove the “cost, insurance, freight” charges that Customs includes in the merchandise stats. SAFE always reported a higher goods balance as a result. 4/
In 2015 SAFE changed its methodology to comply with the IMF’s BPM6 reporting standards. It still uses Customs data, but now makes three changes. First, it still removes CIF charges from imports, which should increase the trade surplus 5/
Second, since the balance of payments focuses on changes in a country’s foreign assets and liabilities, SAFE isn’t focused on whether goods cross the border, but whether there is a change in ownership of the goods. 6/
That means it eliminates a small share of China’s processing trade if the importing firm never takes ownership of those goods before re-exporting them. And it adds “merchanting” trade, in which Chinese firms buy/sell goods abroad without importing them 7/
Finally, SAFE also makes some adjustments for returned items. Since export processing and merchanting are basically self-balancing, this never had a big impact. SAFE has reported its goods data monthly since 2015. Its balance roughly matched Customs until 2021. 8/ Image
And the numbers involved must have been tiny, with processing being slightly more important than merchanting. The level of exports and imports recorded by SAFE has closely tracked, but been slightly lower than those from Customs 9/ Image
And the discrepancy has emerged mostly because SAFE has recorded more imports than Customs over the past year. This can’t be due to the processing trade, since it would subtract those imports from the Customs data. 10/
So it can only be due to two things. Either a hell of a lot more items are being returned to China, or China’s merchant traders have been building up massive inventories abroad. 11/
“Ah ha!” I hear you say, “that looks like a new form of capital flight to me!” But I’m sorry to report, no it doesn’t. Or, at least, not entirely. 12/
SAFE has detailed figures on cross-border payments. If this was capital flight, the balance of those transactions recorded for goods purchases & sales should match SAFE’s trade balance. But the balance of cross-border payments for goods matches the Customs balance 13/ Image
There seems to be some chronic capital flight through the goods account. Receipts always fall short of exports, while payments nearly always exceed imports. But the ratio of cross-border payments for goods to imports as recorded by SAFE has declined over the past year. 14/ Image
This isn’t 2014-15, when there really was widespread overpaying for imports as a way to move money out of China. So I think we can rule out the notion that the discrepancy is due to a massive increase in disguised capital outflows from China. 15/
Let’s try a change of tack. Since trade always involves 2 countries, we can use other countries’ bilateral trade data as a cross-check. This is a bit tricky. Other countries record imports from China in CIF terms, whereas its exports ignore those charges 16/
Also, because China reports a lot of exports to HK which then get re-exported elsewhere, but those are usually recorded as an import from China by the ultimate destination, the bilateral data don’t always match. And their balance is always higher than China’s 17/
Here we have the balance based on the bilateral trade data from China’s top partners, plus that from the IMF’s direction of trade stats, using China’s partner’s perspectives. 18/ Image
And here is the same, but with bilateral trade with HK added so that the levels more closely match those from China Customs. In both charts, the trajectory matches the Customs data, but the level looks more like that from SAFE if we compare the recent peak to 2016. 19/ Image
In part, the level of China’s trade surplus recorded by its partners is lower today than it was in 2016 because of the US-China trade war. US imports from China have been systematically understated since 2018. See this NY Fed paper 20/ libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2021/06/what-h…
That’s only a partial explanation though. And it’s certainly not a smoking gun suggesting SAFE’s data are wrong or being manipulated. But this matters. For one, it’s a $170bn difference. That’s an awful lot of money. 21/
It’s also the difference between the IMF judging the external balance is “broadly in line with fundamentals and desirable policies,” as it did last week. And it saying China’s surplus is “moderately stronger” than is desirable. 21/ imf.org/en/Publication…
The most likely explanation is that China’s merchants have accumulated an extra $150-200bn in goods abroad over the past year. I have no idea why they would do that. But even if those outflows are not disguised capital flight, they’re still outflows. 22/
That accumulation of foreign goods somewhat offsets the outflows we’re seeing from Chinese bonds & stocks. 23/
Which means instead of having the trade surplus being offset just by portfolio outflows, as @adam_tooze argued today, China is also accumulating foreign claims – just in a somewhat novel form. 24/ adamtooze.substack.com/p/chartbook-14…
Thanks to @xieyebloomberg for writing up the @asr_london note on all of this for Bloomberg. Unfortunately, his story is only available on the Terminal, so no link. If anyone has other ideas about what’s going on, I’m all ears. /end

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More from @adamkwolfe

Aug 12
Bank lending in China disappointed in July. Lending rose by CNY679bn vs CNY1100bn expected & CNY2810bn in June.

Weak household and business demand is the obvious explanation, with the reopening effects from the lockdowns fading.

But I think PBoC policy also contributed 1/
My thesis is that the improvement in the quantity and quality of bank lending in June had as much to do with the PBoC’s re-lending programs as it did with the rebound in economic activity. 2/
The PBoC rolled out three new re-lending windows in Q2 and doubled the pay-out rate for its small business lending scheme. 3/
Read 6 tweets
Aug 3
While China Twitter’s focus was (rightly) on Taiwan, a curious thing happened in the interbank market. The 7d repo rate fell sharply despite the PBoC draining some liquidity, suggesting weak credit demand. Maybe due to the Politburo’s disappointing statement last week. 1/
Now you might not buy think credit demand is weak. After all, the credit impulse is back in positive territory. But that’s been driven mostly by huge issuance of local government bonds, which of course stopped abruptly in July as their annual quotas have been used up. 2/
Even if local governments are allowed to tap CNY1.5bn from next year’s quota, as has been reported, this credit cycle is set to be very weak. We published this forecast last month assuming the PBoC would raise the loan quotas in its window guidance. This now looks optimistic. 3/
Read 10 tweets
May 13
The Chinese money and credit data are out, and all signs point to lower interest rates and a weaker yuan. Here's a thread explaining why we're seeing a build up of interbank liquidity but extremely weak bank lending, and how that's impacting the exchange rate. 1/
First, let’s start with the good news. M2 and M1 growth accelerated further in YoY terms, with M2 growth back above 10% for the first time since Feb 2021. But this wasn't due to an increase in bank lending. It seems to have been the result of weak tax collections in April. 2/
Corporate tax payments normally happen in Jan, Apr, Jul, and Oct, which then results in an increase in government deposits at the PBoC and a net withdrawal of liquidity from the banking system. 3/
Read 18 tweets
Feb 10, 2021
China updated its consumer basket for the 2021-25 CPI weights this morning. Once again, the actual weights remain a secret but the changes to the weights were spelled out. Here's a quick thread on what's changed 1/x stats.gov.cn/tjsj/sjjd/2021…
We can estimate the weights for the previous periods with a simple regression, and update those with the NBS announcement today. Once again the biggest changes were that housing accounted for 2.1% more of household consumption, while the share spent on food fell by 1.2% 2/x
That's in line with the trend over the past 15 years. But since China uses a consistent base for its CPI for 5-year periods, they may end up with a distorted picture of inflation through 2025 since the patterns of consumption were really odd last year. 3/x
Read 5 tweets
Feb 9, 2021
3 takeaways from China’s money & credit data: 1 the jump in M1 was entirely due to the timing of Chinese New Year. 2 the credit cycle peaked months ago. 3 the excess issuance of government bonds in H2 has a lot to do with the credit slowdown and may soon result in weak M1 1/x Image
While M1 growth spiked to 14.7% in January, M2 growth slumped to 9.4%, its weakest growth rate since the Covid-crisis started in February last year. M2 is less distorted by the red envelope problem and is a better reflection of what’s going on in the January/February period. 2/x
M1 is just corporate demand deposits in China, and corporates hand out cash for Chinese New Year. The holiday started on Jan 25 last year and will begin this Friday this year. So, corporates had withdrawn cash for the holiday last Jan but had not yet this year 3/x
Read 11 tweets

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