Two days ago was Independence Day in India - a day of celebrating our national sovereignty and saluting the anti-colonial freedom struggle. The triumph of Indian independence, however, is inseparable from the trauma of the Partition experience.
Hence, in mainstream culture in India, August 15 becomes a day of bashing Jinnah left, right and centre.
Makes one suspect that the ideals of populist nat-lism & inclusive democracy have been long forgotten under a sea of symbolism, antipathy & myth making– of what a successful nation we could've had, had theren't been an evil separatist at work whose legacy sabotages us even today.
This begs the question – have we or our government ever tried hard enough to achieve our so-called original goals nevertheless? The fight was against the status quo and yet it remains entrenched today, hardly due to the deeds of a hostile neighbor.
To retreat into the history of the Partition and Indian politics would provide us useful insights. The question of powerful actors in the deal-making that happened at the dusk of Imperial rule, on the desk of colonial masters immediately questions the common narrative.
The concept of sole spokesmanship, whether wielded by the Congress or Muslim League - wad to sideline the various popular movements that arose in the 1930s onwards.
The main victims of this exercise of monopoly and backdoor favoritism were the Left (which controlled large sections of the peasant and trade union movement), Ambedkar and other Dalit movements, incl non-Brahman movements in Madras & Maharashtra,
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autonomous peasant struggles against politically well-connected zamindars, and any regional struggle that challenged upper caste North Indian hegemony.
The Cabinet Mission plan in 1946 provided for precisely that. It was accepted by Jinnah and vetoed by the Congress. The Muslim League was the first party to accept the Plan and the last party to join the Interim Government.
The Congress was the last party to accept the Plan (which it in any case did not do fully) and the first to join the Interim Government. The relative weights of the actors comes out clearly here.
Pakistan was then shortly led by an immigrant set of leaders (the old Muslim League guard) till the local landlord-Punjabi-Army elite took over soon after the assassination of Liaqat Ali Khan. Jinnah’s vision died then and there – have no doubt about it.
To say that Congress leaders from Bengal and Punjab didn't benefit from the partitioning of their provinces would indeed be revisionist beyond redemption.
After all which Congressi would have wanted the chance of a Muslim League ministry in the two undivided provinces (where Muslims were a slightly higher percentage), when they could guarantee themselves a state-level victory with Partition?
The freedom of Bangladesh enabled West Punjab to dominate Pakistan electorally and demographically – any party that gets an overwhelming majority in Punjab becomes close to a majority in the National Assembly in Pakistan.
In Pakistan, to some, Independence means azaadi even today. To others, it brings up the contrast between what is and what should have been. The leaders of their nation and their ideas had died out of power by the 1950s itself – that dream was over.
In India, however, the articulators of freedom and the political inheritors of freedom remained the same. Today, those in power are the lobby that did not sacrifice one drop of sweat to the cause of Indian freedom.
That the populist elements of the national vision still remain a distant vision even now, while fiscal, administrative and communal matters overrode welfare and social justice – shows us how much remains of the pre-Independence status quo.
That the socio-economic status-quo is a colonial heritage is bulldozed by bucketfuls of cultural nationalism, and what some would say – hegemony itself.
The idea that freedom was to most people the promise of a higher standard of living and an end to exploitation first and foremost, has been long subsumed by communal outcries that should have no place in our society that serve to cover up what has not been achieved even today.
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An important read for #IndiaAt75
Essays on communalism, poverty, caste, civ & human rights, gender, violence, state, justice & democracy, published by Three Essays Collective.
A Fractured Freedom: Chronicles of India's Margins 2004-11
-Harsh Mander
Freedom remains bitterly contested in Independent India. Democracy works only for some, who thrive in its liberties, security and choice. Others are condemned to life-sentences variously of hunger, homelessness, stigma, fear, penury and neglect.
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Hindutva icon Syama Prasad Mookerjee was nonchalant towards rising saffron violence on the eve of Gandhi Murder despite being repeatedly appealed to - and refused to denounce it afterwards.
Popular history speaks of Syama Prasad Mookerjee as a "moderate" distancing himself from the Hindu Mahasabha after the assassination of Gandhi.
My piece uses archival evidence (letters bw Nehru & Mookerjee) to show that Mookerjee was nonchalant towds rising saffron violence on the eve of Gandhi’s murder, took no steps to rein in his seditious saffron allies & refused to denounce the Mahasabha even after the incident.
While there are bound to be fundamental differences bw circumstances then & now - the first thing to keep in mind is, that the similarities are functioning under drastically different scenarios - most fundamentally: today's "normalcy"
Two pieces i wrote many years back 2016. Needless to say, things have only advanced further, so bear with me and fill in the gaps ++
"March 2019, just days before PM Modi arrived in Varanasi to lay the foundation stone for the Kashi Vishwanath corridor project, a few local residents were caught..attempting to bury a small statue of Nandi.."++ caravanmagazine.in/religion/how-m…
++"..a bull-form that ancient Hindu scripture proclaims guards the entry to the Hindu deity Shiva’s abode—near the north wall of the Gyanvapi mosque, a centuries-old structure that shares a boundary wall with the famed Kashi Vishwanath temple."++ caravanmagazine.in/religion/how-m…
++"The burying of the Nandi idol is the latest in a long history of attempts to indicate a Hindu historicity to the site at which the Gyanvapi mosque stands & only 1 of many disturbing resemblances to events that preceded the demolition of Babri Masjid." caravanmagazine.in/religion/how-m…
A Muslim "socio-political commentator", "aspiring lawyer" (who clearly knows 0 abt civil rights👇🏾) using Modi govt chargesheet numbers to call Dalits "footsoldiers of Hindutva" 🤣🤣
Who's gonna tell him? 🤣🤣
Whats next? Yogi govt numbers to prove Ms demolished their own homes?
Here's the link to that very article cited, which argues the exact opposite of what the dude thinks 🤡:
Apparently, the state & cops hav "no bias", there's no such thing as "UC privilege" & that those who were arrested were all guilty while those who were not charged were all innocent 🤡