Lara Putnam Profile picture
Aug 18, 2022 24 tweets 13 min read Read on X
So @tbonier's thread on the predominance of women registering to vote in swing states in the wake of the overturning of Roe v Wade inspired me to check recent shifts in partisan registration in PA.
tl;dr New gains are neither Dem nor GOP but rather *overwhelmingly* Independents
As a reminder, this is what long term registration trends in PA have looked like. On balance since 2015 Dems have made no gains, GOP have gained half a million voters, & Independent/Other parties have gained about 200,000 registrants Image
If we look just at changes from election to election, the massive Republican registration gains between the 2020 primary & 2020 general election really stand out: as do Dems' declines in every 6 month stretch since then Image
(for details on the distinct factors that can drive registration declines, see this absurdly long thread👇 I seem to have written in a fit of 2 am madness 4 weeks ago. 😳)
I didn't happen to pull June 24 stats as a benchmark & they're not automatically available: what I do have is July 11 which we can compare backwards, to see what had happened between the 2022 primary & early July, & forwards, to see that has happened since. Image
Remember these sets are for different time periods. Basically in the last 4 wks PA added as many Independent/Other voters as in the 6 months from Nov2021-May2022: and GOP gains, which had been powering forward since last summer, ground nearly to a halt Image
If we look just at changes to GOP & Dem totals, county-level registration changes from January 2022 thru the May primary & from the primary thru the start of July had shown vanishingly few bright spots for Dems. Even in Allegheny county Republicans were making net gains. Image
The last month has been starkly different. Dems not only accelerated their pace of adding net voters in Delco Montco Chester & Dauphin: they turned from net losses to net gains in Allegheny, Lancaster, Lebanon, Lehigh, Centre, Cumberland, Northampton, Bucks (wait there's more) Image
...WYOMING, McKEAN, CENTRE, FRANKLIN & POTTER. All saw their net levels of major party registrations shift _in the direction of Democrats_ as the combined result of party changers and new registrations over the past month.
No really. Image
But in case Dems are thinking post-Roe new women voters=done deal: no. Again, the big story is that 2/3 of the 5,800 net voters added in PA over the past month have registered Independent or other.
In some counties the total # of Independents grew by over 1% in a single month👀 Image
The consistency of the Independent/Other surge—incl across rural counties in west, north, & SCPA—suggests mobilization routes outside of organized campaigns (to @cmMcConnaughy's important point👇). Think informal networks, & media & social media impacts Image
@cmMcConnaughy Update: Thanks to the foresight of @TuesdaysToomey I now have PA voter reg data as of June 27 2022 to compare before & after Dobbs exactly, & it's gobsmacking. The first 5 weeks after the primary were a smooth continuation of the previous 6 months of GOP domination. Since then?👀 Image
@cmMcConnaughy @TuesdaysToomey Here's the updated map of pre+post Dobbs trends. 5 wks before Dobbs: net GOP gains almost everywhere. Since Dobbs: Allegheny Bucks & almost all of SCPA =sizable net Dem gains
...w/Northampton Butler Franklin CentreWyoming McKeanVenangoPerry PikePotter Fulton Snyder net blue too😳 Image
@cmMcConnaughy @TuesdaysToomey Just saw this great @BethMRodgers @ulleryatintell article on PA voters since Dobbs on the front page of the Somerset Daily American. Worth reading for great quotes: + fascinating to see these developmnts themselves shape the political narrative in places far outside any blue core Image
@cmMcConnaughy @TuesdaysToomey @BethMRodgers @ulleryatintell Ok: never let it be said that I do not live to serve. Folks had questions about what the heck Lehigh county in the post-Dobbs map. But there was no such trend in the July-Aug data: so it seemed almost certain to be an admin update rather than a real trend ImageImage
But: why assume, when we can check & see. Voila👇! Clearly sometime in the first wks of July, Lehigh took inactive voters off the rolls, reducing total reg'd Dems by 3% & GOP by 2%. The drop was highest in the age group that might have registered at 18 & not voted in 12 ys since Image
Surely your next question is: how much of the post-Dobbs net shifts in partisan registration reflect existing voters changing their party registration, as opposed to new people registering for 1st time?
Turns out: for existing voters, Dobbs doesn't look like a watershed at all🤷‍♀️ Image
Democrats lost a net 20,000+ voters in PA in the 1st half of 2022 due to individuals changing their party reg, while the GOP gained a net 35,000. It was a disastrous 6 months for PA Dems: & even better for the GOP than Summer-Fall 2021 had been.
Then Dobbs... changed nothing😶 Image
No really. With regard to existing voters changing their registration from one party to another in PA, Dobbs may have slightly slowed the rate at which the GOP gained converts from people previously registered as Other. But Dem losses from party switching powered forward Image
Notice how different this is from the 6 months after Jan 6 2021, which saw a sustained wave of existing voters switching their registration away from the GOP, some to Dem and some to Independent. It was unprecedented in recent PA history: & it didn't last Image
I tracked that early 2021 trend slightly obsessively (see nested threads here👇 if you dare) & the geographic patterns made clear what you'd probably expect: it is highly educated, generally wealthy, high-info voters who ever bother changing parties at all
Given that, what👇suggests to me is that for the kind of highly engaged+attuned voters who are the ones who go to the trouble of changing party registration, the possibility of a post-Roe America was pretty much already baked into their political trajectories. No earthquake here. Image
If you are following me #onhere you may be alot like those highly engaged voters—& you may look at the surge of disproportionately female & young voters newly registering in the wake of Dobbs & say wow! All these new pro-choice voters just like me! That would be a real misreading Image

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More from @lara_putnam

Nov 9, 2023
to appreciate the scale of Dems' statewide success this wk you have to cast your mind back to the distant past of... Nov 2021, at whch point it looked fully possible the PA electorate would keep speeding rightward twice as fast as it had lurched left after the election of DJTrump
Here's an even clearer metric I ended up with, one that captures turnout shifts as well as vote choice swings: change in net votes by county, averaged across statewide candidates each year to create something close to generic Dem v generic Rep results Image
In Delco, Montco, Philly & Allegheny Dems had hung on to some anti-Trump era gains, but pretty much everywhere else* across the state—most impactfully in Bucks, SCPA, & the big non-Allegheny counties of SWPA--Republicans were ascendant

*ok Dauphin Lackawanna & Monroe broke even Image
Read 12 tweets
Nov 13, 2022
It was certainly plausible to think that John Fetterman would have a uniquely strong performance among white working-class or rural Pennsylvanians but... that didn't turn out to be the case at all?🤷‍♀️
The results are especially striking because surely holding everything equal, one would expect Doug Mastriano's appeal to be strongest in the rural+rust belt areas that swung hard in support of Donald Trump: & Oz to be more appealing in the upscale/moderate/cosmopolitan suburbs?
The darker green counties here are the ones where Shapiro outperformed Fetterman most strongly: which is the same as saying, where Oz outperformed Mastriano most strongly. SCPA/the capitol region, Bucks, but also Cambria, Westmoreland, Butler, Erie🤷‍♀️
Read 14 tweets
Nov 11, 2022
Return of the 2018 Coalition, On Steroids (A Quick Thread on 2022 in Pennsylvania Before this Website Collapses).

tl;dr After Dobbs, the suburbs' anti-Dem realignment screeched to a halt & the anti-Trump realignment returned Image
Lots of things happened around the end of June: Dobbs, bipartisan bills, gas prices coming down, Jan 6 hearings gaining news. The exact proportions of which had an impact on who may remain up for debate. But what's clear is things changed & stayed changed
The geography of voter reg trend shifts was striking: Dems stopped hemorrhaging voters in PA's "Middle Suburb"/once-industrial counties: & went back to posting 2016-18 style gains in PA's upscale/cosmopolitan "Urban Suburb" counties
Read 20 tweets
Nov 9, 2022
This👇is not wrong! But note it's not just a demographic thing. The state & local organizations created/recreated by the anti-Trump grassroots ran through the tape for downballot Dems this year: even while hearing (& believing!) national voices foretelling doom
National voices #onhere have not yet processed what a stunning year this was for downballot Dems in PA. The inverse of 2020, when the presidential result distracted attention from PA Dems' grim downballot slide. PA lived the midterm backlash 2 ys early!💪
.@LetsTurnPABlue @TuesdaysToomey @acttogethernepa etc — plus the groups of different origin & profile who saw their potential & figured out how to partner: @seiuhcpa @NewPennsylvania @UniteforPA & many more
Read 13 tweets
Nov 9, 2022
Because you are all about to realize you need to know this: in 2021 Democratic PA Supreme Court candidate Maria McLaughlin's share of provisional ballots in both Lehigh & Northampton counties was exactly 20 ppt higher than her share of EDay+Mail votes in each.
...& likewise in Montgomery County. fwiw. 👀
... and likewise in Bucks 👀 . 2021 provisionals were 19 ppts more Dem than the combined E-Day and Mail ballots were.
Read 4 tweets
Nov 9, 2022
So back in August @Mlsif & I wrote a thing. Most normal people who read it only focused on what we said about apocalyptic emails (& agreed), while natl groups that run postcard-writing programs only focused on what we said about postcards (& disagreed) BUT nytimes.com/2022/08/01/opi…
...the core of the piece wasn't about either of those things. It was about what a better way of building Democratic connections to volunteers AND to voters would look like: one in which communication runs laterally between them, building local knowledge & local capacity over time
We described how local activists gained knowledge of the electorate around them, & on that basis recruited candidates+prioritized tactics: not just "honing the message" to work locally, but *creating the messengers* who could effectively deliver it. In 2021 they battled to a draw
Read 9 tweets

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