The judiciary has a crucial and time-tested role in being the guardian of individual liberty.
Sri Lanka's ordinary criminal law, and the constitutional safeguards that underpin it, recognise that judicial role.
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First, when a person is arrested, they have to be brought before the nearest judge as soon as possible. A judge must ensure the suspect is being treated humanely.
Our constitution and our criminal procedure law embody this principle.
But the #PTA undermines that principle by permitting EXECUTIVE officials to prevent a suspect from being produced before a judge.
They can do so by getting a detention order issued against the suspect.
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Why should the state prevent a judge from inspecting a suspect? What possible legitimate aim can that serve?
The systematic denial of an opportunity to a judge to monitor the well-being of a suspect reflects a LACK OF TRUST in our judiciary.
That is totally unacceptable.
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Second, it is a judge who determines whether or not a suspect should be enlarged on bail.
The Bail Act sets out the grounds on which bail can be refused.
These are fairly broad, and the police can make the case for bail to be refused by furnishing relevant evidence.
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So a judge is well-placed to refuse bail to a person where a sound case for refusing bail has been made by the police.
However, the Bail Act does not apply to persons who are suspected of having committed an offence under the #PTA.
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By deploying the #PTA, the police can circumvent the ordinary jurisdiction of a judge to decide whether or not a suspect should be enlarged on bail or remanded.
The PTA usurps the power of the judiciary, and places it in the hands of EXECUTIVE officials.
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The #PTA signals to society that the state does not want judges to make calls on the liberty of persons.
Can the state not trust judges to exercise sound judgement?
Is that not what judges are trained to do (much better than a police officer or MoD official)?
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When the police scramble to place protestors within the framework of 'terrorism' (and therefore the #PTA), they are doing so for the sole (and altogether bad faith) purpose of securing detention orders...
They are effectively saying they don't trust the judiciary.
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The #PTA is a total affront to the judiciary, and any law that continues to openly promote distrust in our judges should have no place in our legal system.
Whatever new law that is set to replace the #PTA has to address this fundamental problem.
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A judge must be trusted to assess the well being of a suspect at the earliest given opportunity.
ONLY a judge should have the power to determine whether or not a person is held in custody.
The system of executive detention orders must be abolished. #RepealPTA
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Article 40(1)(c) of the Constitution provides that until Parliament elects a new president, the prime minister (or the speaker if there is a vacancy in the office of prime minister) shall act in the office of president.
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S. 3(1) of the Presidential Elections ...Act provides that ‘Parliament shall elect as president one of its members who is qualified to be elected to the office of president, to hold office for the unexpired period of the term of office of the president vacating office.’
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So many people today (including myself) were quick to doubt the authenticity of a letter posted on social media (revealing a state plan to block data tomorrow) when the TRCSL refuted it.
We should trust our instincts about the Sri Lankan state. It lies. A lot. All the time.
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We are pre-programmed to believing authority. So when a state entity says or denies something, our pre-programming kicks in, and we believe uncritically.
The struggle against state propaganda begins with a re-programming.
We need to think twice before we believe authority.
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State propaganda relies on our tendency to believe authority.
But it will quickly lose its potency if our first instinct is to doubt and be skeptical.
Until the state regains public trust, citizens must doubt everything, and believe only after verification.
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It is the CONSTITUTION and not the Sri Lanka Telecommunications Act that governs the limits of our freedom of expression.
Article 14(1)(a) of the Constitution provides that ‘Every citizen is entitled to the freedom of speech and expression including publication’.
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Article 15(2) and (7) of the constitution provides that the freedom of expression can be subject to restrictions as may be prescribed by law in the interests of inter alia national security, and public order.
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The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that the freedom of expression cannot be limited except in compliance with article 15, and each restriction must be reasonable.
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A devastating public health emergency for 2 years = no emergency declared
A crippling economic crisis for the past few months = no emergency declared
A country's leadership feels threatened by public protests = emergency declared!
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.@MASumanthiran and others advised the government to adopt a public health emergency law when the country was facing the COVID19 crisis, but that call was ignored.
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Many called the economic crisis a public emergency, and it would have been totally understandable had an emergency been declared to provide essential goods and services.
But the crisis was consistently downplayed by the government. 3/
S. 15(2) becomes relevant once the indictment is received by the High Court.
It makes it mandatory for the judge to remand the accused until the conclusion of the trial (note the distinction in Ahnaf's case - where no indictment was served).