One of the most ominous things in Putin’s 2021 article on the "historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians" was the description of Ukraine as “anti-Russia.” So far, nobody has traced the origins of this term. A 🧵 on the rhetoric that paved the way for the Russian invasion. 1/
In his invasion speech, Putin used the term once again, talking about the creation of “anti-Russia” “on our own historical territories.” Since then, the term has provided Russian public discourse with the new way of speaking about Ukraine, with obvious genocidal implications. 2/
The logic is clear: if a neighbouring state exists only to confront you and to deny you, if it's raison d'être is to be the exact opposite of what you are, it should not exist at all. According to it, the all-out war was inevitable as long as there was "anti-Russia" next door. 3/
The infamous op-ed article by Timofei Sergeitsev "What Russia must do with Ukraine" called for the extermination of part of the Ukrainian population and mass repressions against the rest because "Ukrainism is an artificial anti-Russian construction." 4/
The first mention of Ukraine as “anti-Russia” I was able to trace dates back to 2004. That year, the Moscow publishing house "Imperial Tradition" released a reprint of a 1912 book that significantly contributed to the rise of modern Russian revanchism. 5/
It was the well-known work “The Ukrainian Movement as a Contemporary Stage of South-Russian Separatism” by Sergei Shchegolev, one of the key persons responsible for oppressive measures against the Ukrainian national activism in the early 20th century. 6/
Shchegolev, who served as a Kiev censor, put a lot of effort to ban whatever publications in Ukrainian language he could. He was among those who made the Kiev censorship committee the main imperial body that systematically confronted the Ukrainian movement. 7/
He was also a member of the right-wing, anti-Semitic, and elitist Kiev Club of Russian Nationalists, a monarchist organization that saw its goal in struggling against cosmopolitanism, left-wing activism and, primarily, "Ukrainophilism." 8/
Drawing on an impressive command of Ukrainian sources he monitored as a censor, Shchegolev wrote his book to denounce "separatist" aspirations of Ukrainian cultural and public figures one the one hand, and to prevent the spread of Ukrainian national sentiments on the other. 9/
This book, which was widely welcomed by monarchist and ultra-conservative circles during the final years of the empire, was rediscovered again by revanchist circles in post-Soviet Russia, which dreamed of much more that the restoration of the empire they knew little about. 10/
Their dream was to put into practice the radical nationalist ideas that gained currency on the eve of the Great War, the ideas that the imperial government as such never consistently endorsed. This brings us to the publisher of Shchegolev's book. 11/
Mikhail Smolin, now the head of the Orthodox Center for Imperial Political Studies, the executive director of the "Imperial Renaissance" Foundation, and the deputy editor-in-chief of Tsargrad TV, has been active in publishing imperial nationalist "classics" since the 1990s. 12/
In 1998, he published the first such volume, "Ukrainian separatism in Russia," in the preface to which he urged to never recognize the existence of the Ukrainian statehood, nation, and language, because they all are made up by "Judeo-Masonic circles" and the West. 13/
He called on to solve the "Ukrainian question" once and for all, because if not, if the emergence of Ukraine would be an accomplished fact, Russia would face "an insurmountable problem" – the Ukrainian state as a member of NATO. 14/
In the preface to Shchegolev's book, in the section titled "Ukraine as anti-Russia," he quoted a work from his 1998 volume, referring to the racial inferiority of the Ukrainians, whose "racial mixing" with nomads placed them "substantially below the Russian race." 15/
"Today's chimerical entity 'Ukraine' is asserting itself precisely as anti-Russia," Smolin went on, referring to the famous book "Ukraine is not Russia" by Leonid Kuchma. This is the same reference that Putin made in his article, introducing the concept "anti-Russia." 16/
"We have to firmly assert that South Russian, Little Russian lands constitute an inseparable part of the Russian state, that there is nether 'Ukrainian' people nor 'Ukrainian' language, that they all are ideological phantoms," he wrote. 17/
Smolin's warning here is simple: if Ukraine exists, in whatever form, it will become a "springboard against Russia." This is why he called on "not to miss time" and act. His appeal was heard and put to action, even though much later than he would have expected. 18/
It shows us how marginal far-right rhetoric has infiltrated Russian official discourse on Ukraine and has driven the full-scale invasion with genocidal overtones and practices. It was just one of the myriad possible scenarios. Now it's the only one the world is dealing with. end/
@barabanch dates the term "anti-Russia" to 2010, but it's at least 6 years older. bbc.com/russian/news-5…
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A massive blast wave from a Ukrainian drone strike on an arms depot near Toropets in central Russia shook the grave of one of the most notorious figures in Russian imperial history. Who was he? This 🧵will take you through some of the darkest chapters of Russia's colonial past.
On September 18, the “Ukraine war” made a sudden visit to every household in Toropets, shattering windows and knocking down doors. Standing silently before the towering mushroom cloud was a bronze monument to General Aleksei Kuropatkin, the region's most famous native. 2/
Today, his name would hardly ring any bell for anyone unfamiliar with the history of imperial Russia. But in the early 20th century, Kuropatkin's name was known worldwide. He embodied the quintessential colonialist—wherever the empire expanded, he was there to serve it. 3/
Among the reasons Crimea holds a special place in the Russian imagination is its prominence as the theater of military action during 1854–56. However, the Crimean War was also Russia's first major encounter with the peninsula, 70 years after its annexation.🧵
As the war erupted, a massive flow of tsarist troops surged into Crimea from the Russian provinces, while in return, letters, newspaper articles, and travel notes flowed back from the Crimean shores to the metropole. It seemed that everyone who could write was eager to share their impressions of the unfamiliar land they were encountering for the first time. 2/
After Russia's disastrous defeat, the flow of impressions only intensified. Officers, journalists, and other members of educated society sought to explain the significance of this place, where so much blood had been spilled. Among them was Aleksandr Pogosskii, a publisher of influential journals aimed specifically at rank-and-file soldiers, such as Soldatskaia beseda and later Dosug i delo. 3/
Showcasing migrants in an exhibition to emphasize the allegedly negative aspects of their impact on the urban life of a metropolis is not something we expect to see today. Yet, this is precisely what a current exhibition in Moscow is doing. Why?🧵
The man in the photo above is taking a selfie in front of a kebab shop. This entire scene is part of an exhibit, and the man is the chairman of the Moscow City Duma, visiting one of the largest and most ambitious exhibitions held in Russia's capital in recent years. The exhibition, titled "Moscow 2030," depicts the city as a techno-utopia come true, seemingly untouched by the realities of war. 2/
Visitors to the Manege Exhibition Hall are invited to explore two contrasting visions of Moscow: the "vibrant" city of today, boasting cutting-edge transport infrastructure... 3/
In 1858, as China was losing the Second Opium War, the Russian Empire forced it to conclude an unequal treaty, seizing over 600,000 km² of Outer Manchuria under the threat of invasion. This colonial land grab was justified using the language of security concerns: 🧵
As the architect of the treaty, Count Nikolai Muraviev, stated: "Do not believe, gentlemen, that Russia is greedy for the expansion of her frontiers... All Russia cares for is the security of her boundaries."
Russia assured this would be its last and only advance into China. 2/
However, just 2 years later, right after the British and the French had burned the Summer Palace of the emperor in Beijing, Russia took advantage of China's defeat to enforce a second unequal treaty, annexing yet another enormous portion of China's territory along the Pacific. 3/
"There is no room for goodness. Just kill! Don't pity them, don't! (...) Only total executions. (...) No humanity. No pardon. They have no right to live. Execute, execute, and execute."
Deputy Chairman of Russia's Security Council Dmitry Medvedev on what to do with Ukrainians.
Calling for mass executions of "Ukrainian monsters," Medvedev ends his appeal with the final lines of the famous 1942 verse by Konstantin Simonov "Kill him!":
So kill at least one of them
And as soon as you can. Still
Each one you chance to see!
Kill him! Kill him! Kill!
Thanks to Simonov and the prominent Soviet journalist Ilya Ehrenburg (who argued that "If you haven't killed at least one German in a day, your day is wasted"), the words "Kill a German!" became one of the most popular slogans of Soviet WWII propaganda.
Russian KA-52 pilot and milblogger Aleksei Voevoda admits that a woman – a gas station operator – was kidnapped and tortured by Russian troops in a basement in Zaporizhzhia Oblast because of him simply for saying, "Good evening. Tap your card" in Ukrainian. A few thoughts: 🧵
We may safely assume that this was not a one-off episode and that punishment for speaking Ukrainian is a systematic practice in the occupied parts of Ukraine's south. Voevoda himself claims that it helped to "cleanse [Mariupol and Berdiansk] from khokhol shit." 2/
Voevoda acknowledged this in a conversation with prominent pro-war blogger Kirill Fedorov, who recently called Ukrainians "biological trash." Such language in a war context is a call for action. This kind of eliminationist rhetoric is ideologically driven. 3/