After weeks of debates amongst #Tishreeni actors regarding attendance at the long-awaited planning meeting for the third anniversary of the Tishreen Revolution, the meeting finally took place on Friday in #Nasiriyah. 🧵1/6
📷Ali Dab Dab
This is the first time in which #RDG has seen disparate actors within the broader Tishreeni network function properly as a collective movement rather than several power centers that compete amongst themselves for primacy. 2/6
It is not an understatement to say that the meeting was the first time they sat together in one room and concretely planned activities based on a shared vision. 3/6
Based on decisions taken at the meeting, Oct 1 will be Tishreen #RemembranceDay, marked by a half-day vigil in #TahreerSq. However, more provocative Tishreenis will protest in #NisourSq & march towards #IZ, which will surely attract the attention of the Sadrists, gov, & SCF. 4/6
Though this is a remembrance event of ‘the’ #Tishreen Revolution – the movement has never been a monolithic, organized group. Its strength in 2019 was the exponential momentum that organically grew from the multitude of frustrations amongst a broad spectrum of #Iraq|i youth. 5/6
October 1st, 2022, in contrast, will be an organized, coordinated event – which #RDG believes is unlikely to have the same momentum that forced (eventual) political changes three years ago. 6/6 🧵
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Another Federal Supreme Court Case...But the Sadrists Don’t Want Their Seats Back… 🧵1/7
The Federal Supreme Court (FSC) has scheduled a hearing for the end of September regarding the case brought forth by Dhia al-Din al-Budairi to petition for the invalidation of the resignations of seventy-three Sadrist MPs. 2/7
The political affiliation of al-Budairi is not known. Sadrists have shown private sms asking the lawyer to pull out of the case but he refuses & says that his motivation is to challenge the legal argument that the speaker is the only one who can approve the MPs’ resignation. 3/7
Last week, #Iraq saw the first coup attempt in decades. A complicated political/religious blow triggered a series of events that brought to a head the rivalry between the Sadrists and elements of the Shia Coordination Framework (SCF). 🧵 1/5
In assessing the sudden social media activity of several Sadrist accounts posting, just before the conflict began, about the coming “big surprise,” combined with the fierceness and overnight duration of the attack points towards an actual attempt to overthrow the system. 2/5
They faced unexpected resistance, especially in the IZ and Basra, which led to a very public statement of retreat. Though the IZ took longer than they’d expected, the mobilization required from their rivals to keep it that way was disproportionately large. 3/5
Mohammed Shia al-Sudani worked his way up the political chain, starting as mayor of Amarah city and subsequently governor in his home province of Missan, he rose through the ranks to become a minister. 🧵1/6
Serving in several ministries concurrently during al-Abadi’s gov, he was appointed as the Minister of Labor & Social Affairs while also serving as acting minister to cover positions left open by the Sadrist withdrawal and Human Rights Minister during al-Maliki’s second term. 2/6
Al-Sudani represents the second generation of the Shia house, though his depth of experience as a minister is likely unmatched – and surprisingly, he has never had significant corruption accusations levied against him. 3/6