Ricardo Reis Profile picture
Oct 1, 2022 17 tweets 6 min read Read on X
*** The original sin of QE (and QT)

QE policies, adopted by the most central banks in the last 15 years, suffered from a sin at birth. This came back to bite this Thursday in the UK.

Confusingly, there are three distinct policies that go under the name of QE.
🧵 [1/15]
QE type 1 is increasing the deposits of banks at the CB. It happens when the CB borrows from banks, by issuing reserves, which are the most liquid asset in the economy. The goal is to increase liquidity in the private sector. It is about the size of the liabilities of the CB.
Most large CBs in the last decade have adopted a “saturated market“ regime (or “ample reserves” or “satiated liquidity” or “floor system”) by having large balance sheets. QE-type1 today would be a response to increases in demand for liquidity. Fed did QE1 in September of 2019.
QE type 2 is about the composition of the assets of the CB. At its simplest, the CB sells short-term government bonds and buys long-term bonds. But if there are very ample reserves and QE-type1 is neutral, then CB can do it issuing reserves and increasing size of balance sheet.
The goal of QE2 is to lower long-term yields. Usually so as to stimulate inflation and/or economic activity by lowering credit costs and complemeting forward guidance. It was used a lot in the last decade when could not lower short-term rates, "going long" for more stimulus.
QE type 3 is about buying assets in distress or giving emergency lending to financial institutions. It is about financial stability. It is the classic Bagehot role of a CB, to be a lender of last resort that halts fire sales and runs (while trying to minimize moral hazard).
As such, QE type 3 can be large but should always be short-lived. Once the run is stopped, the CB and other regulators try to fix whatever incentive or information problem there is, sell the assets they bought or collect the loans, and try to get the marks to work as normal.
Over the short history of QE, central banks committed a sin: they mixed the three types. In 2007, it was QE-type3 at first, but in 2008, it was useful to do QE-type1, and from 2010, move on to QE-type2. The difference was noted but not sufficiently emphasized in communication.
2020 made it worse. When the BoE intervened in gilt markets (or the Fed in Treasuries) this was QE-type3. But since a few days/weeks later, the CB decided it wanted to do QE-type 2 stimulus, it folded one into the other, without drawing the distinction.
When all three types of QE are pointing (at least weakly) in the same direction, there is no big problem in calling everything QE, instead of using different names for different policies. But, last week they pointed in different directions. And that led to confusion.
Thursday came, and the @BoE_Research correctly needed to do QE-type3. There was a fire sale in the illiquid 30y gilt market. But at the same time it was supposed to be doing QT-type 2 as part of monetary policy. It felt it had to cancel that. The QE original sin came to bite.
The @BoE_Research was clear in communicating that this was QE-type3: it will stop in 2 weeks, and QT-type2 will resume in one month. But many were rightly confused or doubtful. So they took this as QE-type2 and, worse, a hint of fiscal dominance.

bankofengland.co.uk/news/2022/sept…
The ECB was clearer two months ago. It will be doing QT-type2 as monetary policy over the coming months, even as it announced the TPI purchase program as potential QE-type3.

The Fed may well face the same dilemma as the Bank soon.

ecb.europa.eu/press/pr/date/…
If for the start we had called:
“Funding/Liquidity policy” to QE-type1
“Long monetary policy” to QE-type2
“Lender and Buyer of Last Resort” to QE-type3
Or other distinct names, we would not be in this problem right now. Each has different academic literatures and tradeoffs
These were my remarks at the @NIESRorg and @CFMUK conference yesterday.

Thank you @jagjit_chadha for having me.

PS: for those wanting more on the distinction, I wrote about QE-type1 at Jackson Hole in 2016 (ideas.repec.org/p/cpr/ceprdp/1…), about QE-type2 in Santiago Chile in 2018 (ideas.repec.org/h/chb/bcchsb/v…), and about QE-type3 through CB swap lines in 2018 (ideas.repec.org/p/cpr/ceprdp/1…).
[...]
In 2020, I collaborated on projects evaluating QE at the @BoE_Research (bankofengland.co.uk/news/2022/sept…) and at the @ecb (cepr.org/publications/b…). In both I argued that making this distinction on QE policies was crucial before confusion and problems arose. They did this week.

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More from @R2Rsquared

Aug 19, 2023
*** Continuation of an academic debate

I agree with @ojblanchard1 that price-level determination is at the core of monetary policy and short-run macro. Especially because it is fundamentally different from price-theory classical micro where the price level is indeterminate.
🧵
Also like @ojblanchard1 I think nominal rigidities are fundamental. Especially because with limits to acquire, absorb, and process information, there is inevitable disagreement across economic agents that are making nominal choices in units of account.

However, @ojblanchard1 puts the emphasis on the coordination between price and wage setters. That is very important, but I think something else is even more fundamental:
expectations.
Both on average and especially on how we disagree about them.
Read 15 tweets
Aug 13, 2023
* Why raising interest rates lowers inflation, and usually (but may not) raises unemployment 🧵

When the CB raises nominal interest rates, agents want to save more in nominal vehicles as opposed to real ones. The relative value of nominal vs real must rise. Inflation must fall.
This happens as: (i) banks want to deposit more at the CB rather than lend to projects, (ii) investors and firms prefer to park resources in nominal accounts rather than invest them in real projects, (iii) households prefer nominal savings instead of buying durables or others
All of these--less lending, less investment, less spending--often will raise unemployment, but that is a side effect, not the causal channel.

Usually u will rise when i rises (and I expect it will soon), but this is not necessary for pi to fall.

Read 8 tweets
Mar 14, 2023
** What does SVB's failure imply for the Fed hiking cycle?
Bank failures and bailout of large depositors has important implications for financial regulation, moral hazard, and general fairness. Good discussions here and in media.

What about for inflation and monetary policy?
🧵
The rate that banks earn on their deposits at the Fed has risen. But the rate that banks pay to their deposits or savings accounts has not. Market power means banks' interest margin is higher, nice profits, the franchise value rises (see work by @AlexiSavov @schnabl_econ @idrechs
Standard monopoly theory: given higher price, banks' customers started buying less. Meaning, deposits moving out of the banks into other investments. Monetary aggregates fall endogenously. This has been going on for a year. Nothing unusual, standard monetarism side of tightening.
Read 14 tweets
Jan 2, 2023
*** Inflation and wages

A long time ago, Jordi Gali, Mark Gertler and Argia Sbordone noted: with sticky prices, inflation is expected to accelerate when marginal costs are temporarily low. Intuitively, costs will rise back, and as they do, firms will raise prices.
🧵1/12
This is sometimes called a New-Keynesian Phillips curve (not quite accurate as this is the optimal pricing condition from firms, no GE to link to real activity)

E_t ( 𝛽 𝜋_{t+1} - 𝜋_t) = - 𝜆 rmc_t
(all variables are deviation from steady states)

2/12
ideas.repec.org/a/eee/moneco/v…
But how to measure marginal costs? Gali-Gertler-Sbordone noted that if labor is the variable input, then the labor share of income in the non-farm business sector could be a good proxy. And they found a pretty good econometric fit of this condition.
3/12

ideas.repec.org/a/eee/moneco/v…
Read 12 tweets
Sep 13, 2022
** Inflation: some optimism from expectations data

The data from surveys of inflation expectations in the second half of 2022 will be very informative to distinguish three theories. They have important implications fo what inflation *will be*.
🧵

The “ignore it” view is that inflation expectations do not matter and are useless to predict inflation. That view took a serious beating in 2021-22. Those who dismissed the expectations data badly missed the 2021-22 run-up in inflation.

A related version of the ignore-it view is that expectations matter, but measurement is too noisy to be all that useful. In normal times, this is debatable. But in large turning points for inflation, this is not true: the data shows the anchor drifting.

Read 14 tweets
Aug 26, 2022
** Evaluation of Powell’s speech today in light of the recent past

How does the 2022 Jackson Hole match up with my diagnosis three month ago of how and why 2021-22 monetary policy allowed inflation to rise?

Very well. 4-4.5 out of 5 grade.

I highlighted 4+1 factors.
🧵
My 1⃣: having all supply shocks feed 100% to higher inflation and zero to output
JP: "overarching focus right now is to bring inflation back down" "reducing inflation is likely to require a sustained period of below-trend growth" "the unfortunate costs of reducing inflation"
My 2⃣: relying on anchored inflation expectations, when there were signs of erosion in the “capital of inattention” about inflation earned stable inflation of last twenty years.

JP: "the concept of "rational inattention"" ...
Read 11 tweets

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