Greg Yudin Profile picture
Oct 3 21 tweets 4 min read
There will probably appear very soon some poll numbers suggesting that Russians are incredibly enthusiastic about annexation. This was the case in 2014 with annexation of Crimea: on the Russian territory proper polls functioned as ersatz-plebiscites on admission 1/21
Several concepts that might be helpful in interpreting Russian polls.

(They partly rely on my recent piece in the @JofDemocracy) journalofdemocracy.org/articles/do-ru… 2/21
1. Depoliticization. Almost all Russians have deep scorn and contempt for politics. Those who believe politics is meant to make society more just or free are usually considered childish or outright insane 3/21
In public service, people interested in politics are considered unreliable. In commercial sector, they are regarded as dangerously naïve and silly, failing to understand some elementary truths about how the world runs 4/21
If you want to know the opinion of Russians on some political issue, it is safe to assume that the vast majority strongly supports “leave me alone”. (Unless proven otherwise: mobilization is a counterexample) 5/21
2. Acclamation. Russia is a plebiscitarian regime. The vast majority doesn’t interpret polls (or voting) as choosing which decision they would prefer. The decisions are already made by the leader, the role of the people is to say “yes” – to acclaim 6/21
The right question in Russia is not “do you approve policy X?” but rather “if Putin takes policy X, would you approve?”
And that’s what you would normally get: 7/21
It is safe to assume that Russians are fine with any decision taken by Putin. Had he handed Luhansk and Donetsk over to Ukraine on February 24, the ‘approval’ would have been exactly the same 8/21
3. Nonreponse. While survey nonresponse is an issue in many countries, it affects Russian polls disproportionately. Our research shows that Russians interpret polling as interaction with the state, irrespective of who does the survey. This is not the case in the West 9/21
Therefore, those who agree to participate are more likely to be loyal to the state. The higher distrust in the state, the less incentives to take part in surveys. Younger people, men in particular, are much less likely to cooperate 10/21
Response rates are frighteningly low – 10-25% depending on methodology. Many (although not all) pollsters report that in 2022 the rates further plummeted. A colleague in the industry I trust completely told it was at 1% even before mobilization 11/21
Response rates are almost never reported. Looking at the poll numbers, it is safe to assume that very few people agreed to participate, unless proven otherwise 12/21
4. Surveillance. Since people tend to perceive polls as communication with the state, they use it as an opportunity to complain. “Please tell Putin that we struggle to get X here” is a line that almost every interviewer had heard 13/21
This makes the favorable responses for the government even more likely, for you normally show respect to the person you complain to. This also a reason why polls are interpreted as a tool for surveillance 14/21
It is safe to assume that respondents generally perceive themselves being watched and not protected, unless proven otherwise 15/21
5. Fear. I have always resisted the idea that Russians are just afraid to tell their true opinions, while in reality we are all scared dissidents. This assumes that these opinions do exist in the first place, which is most often not true 16/21
However, with this war and especially with mobilization fear has definitely become a major factor. Previously, in pollsters’ internal reports interviewers often mentioned fear as a common emotion among respondents that skewed their responses. Now it has become massive 17/21
I already heard reports about women meeting interviewers crying “Please don’t take them away from us”. At this point, I seriously think polling not only faces issues of validity, but becomes ethically dubious. A researcher should not participate in terror, even unwillingly 18/21
It is safe to assume that behind the numbers you read there are people completely disoriented and scared about what the state will do to them, approached by someone they believe is an agent of the state 19/21
You will probably very soon meet people who would say that Russian referenda in Ukraine are sham, while Russian polls in Russia are totally fine and representative 20/21
I usually respond that in Russia, there will be first the change in power, and then the change in poll numbers 21/21

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More from @YudinGreg

Sep 24
A brief summary of what current mobilization is from the political viewpoint.
It is, of course, not partial at all, but I would still call it targeted/selective, and therefore not total.
There is a clear asymmetry in terms of groups affected 1/10
In the villages and little towns roughly 3% are mobilized, which is up to 10% of adult men (elderly excluded). The numbers tend to be higher among ethnic minorities that have even less real political representation and leverage compared to other Russians 2/10
In the bigger cities the number decreases to 1% of the population. In Moscow, it is likely to be somewhere at 0,1%. 300,000 looks plausible as a figure. There are strong rumors that this is only the first wave, and the total number will be above 1,000,000 3/10
Read 10 tweets
Sep 21
Many requests to explain how Russians are likely to react to Putin’s speech.
Basic fact: the majority of Russians only care about their everyday life.
Hence, the reaction will depend on whether these decisions will affect everyday lives 1/5
This is unclear yet. Putin can very well continue with his piecemeal strategy. He created legal framework to extend it and stop/compensate for the leaks in his military. In that case, few people will be affected. 2/5
We witness a rush to leave the country/break a leg etc. However, the borders are not closed. It could be that people are allowed to leave and then return freely when they realize there is no imminent danger – as it happened in February. 3/5
Read 5 tweets
Sep 16
Several points on recent dramatic developments in Armenia. They are largely overlooked but provide evidence of a catastrophic collapse of Russian foreign policy in a hugely important region🧵1/10
Point #1. Azerbaijan is not Ukraine, and Armenia is not Russia. Armenia is a democratic republic where large-scale protests against the government are normal. Azerbaijan is a despotic state. Azerbaijan has a common border with Russia, while Armenia doesn’t 2/10
Thinking in blocs is not useful, we’re not warming up for a sequel of the Cold War between Good Democracies and Evil Autocracies. World remains a complicated place 3/10
Read 11 tweets
Sep 14
Since there is a lot of interest in what is the reaction to the recent military setbacks in Russia, a🧵with an update.
There are three distinct groups in Russia:
1/25
1) radicals – a sizeable but extremely loud minority that actively supports war, is engaged, follows the news and in rare cases even goes to the frontlines (15-25%). This is the audience of the milbloggers, Telegram channels and vampires like Solovyov or Skabeeva 2/25
2) dissenters – a sizeable minority that categorically opposes the war. It is banned from Russian-based media and generally depressed (20-25%) 3/25
Read 25 tweets
May 9
I have been traveling a lot across Europe recently. Everywhere it was obvious that there is a major war in Europe, with one exception: Moscow.
A🧵on how Moscow has changed over the last month and how what I call the “normalization party” is emerging 1/19
2/19 Visible impact of war on everyday life is still very limited. After the two weeks of initial panic, the economy cheered up. People who rushed to buy foreign currency and withdraw cash are now blaming themselves for not trusting enough in Putin 2/19 economist.com/finance-and-ec…
Some stores have already reopened, others promise to reopen soon. Customers don’t care about legal details 3/19
diyinternational.com/content/news/2…
Read 19 tweets
Apr 18
Some interesting news on why TNCs in Russia are reluctant to leave. Essentially, their personnel are threatened with prison sentence for doing that 1/9 🧵
Russian parliament is going to pass a new bill on “punishment for implementing sanctions”. It applies to CEOs and punishable with up to 10 years in prison 2/9
vedomosti.ru/politics/artic…
One might think this is irrelevant: if a company leaves Russia it is no longer accessible for Russian police anyway. However, the majority of CEOs running the Russian offices are Russians. It is difficult to withdraw them from their home country, particularly now 3/9
Read 9 tweets

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