In the explosion on the Kerch Bridge, several cars and trucks burst into flames and their occupants were presumably killed. You'd have to be a monster to take pleasure in these deaths, but they do not constitute a war crime or create any other kind of culpability by Ukraine. 1/
It's worth noting that (1) the occupation of Crimea is illegal under international law and the bridge was built against Ukraine's wishes and to promote that occupation (2) it's undeniably being used to transport military personnel and equipment. 2/
Ukraine has the right to destroy the bridge in its lawful self-defence against Russian invasion, even if this entails some civilian deaths. True, all combatants must observe the principle of proportionality, that the harm to civilians must be proportionate to the military goal.3/
It would be hard to argue seriously that Ukraine violated that principle in this action. Russia has chosen to open the bridge to civilians, and is responsible for that decision. Ukr has no way to attack it without risking the deaths of some of those civilians. 4/
To say that Ukr can't attack the bridge if doing so might result in some civilian deaths is not a reasonable position in law, morality, or common sense. It's also only fair to note that those civilians knowingly entered a war zone against the wishes of its sovereign, Ukraine. 5/
Indeed, Ukr has been very sparing of Russian civilian lives during Russia's war of aggression. It seems likely that some civilians have been killed in Ukrainian raids on Russian military targets inside the Russian border, and in this instance, but the numbers must be quite low.6/
The contrast with Russia's wanton and deliberate killing of Ukrainian civilians is so obvious that I hardly need to belaour the point. 7/
There is an analogy with the debate over the sinking of the Lusitania in World War I, which centred on whether as Germany claimed this civilian liner was carrying munitions for the Entente war effort, which the British and Americans denied. 8/
One doesn't have to accept German's position that the presence of munitions would give it carte blanche to slaughter hundreds of civilian passengers, but the principle that some civilians may be killed in the course of attacking military targets is not really in dispute. 9/
One obvious difference between the Lusitania and this case is that Ukraine's action entailed only a handful of civilian deaths. We can and should regret the deaths of civilian passengers on the Kerch bridge, but those deaths are not on Zelensky's conscience, but on Putin's. 10/10
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A Ukrainian friend with no connection to politics sent me this very concise and I think lucid statement of Ukraine's hopes for the defeat of the Russian invasion: "All we want is to be a developed European country that would contribute to the development of the world... 1/
I know for sure that after the war, educational institutions, industry and everything necessary for people to live normally will be destroyed, our seas and land will be mined, hundreds of thousands of soldiers will be morally broken and thousands will be wounded. 2/
Perhaps hundreds of thousands of soldiers and civilians will be killed here. But I know for sure that all Ukrainians will build a developed, democratic state, I really hope for Russian reparations and help for the reconstruction of the world." 3/
This fallacious argument is widespread, particularly in the Global South, and thus requires a response, esp. as Ukraine contemplates military deoccupation of Crimea. As a strictly legal matter, the right of self-determination refers primarily to peoples under colonial rule. 1/
There is no serious argument that Ukraine colonized Crimea, whose people before Russian occupation in 2014 enjoyed the same democratic rights as all Ukrainian citizens as well as a special autonomous statute, or that Ukraine engaged in genocide against the people of Crimea. 2/
The world contains many regions whose people do not fit perfectly within their states, including Scotland in the UK, Quebec in Canada, and South Tyrol in Italy. There is no human right to identify fully with one's state--nor could there be in a world of sovereign states. 3/
A few thoughts on the visa ban issue. As others have noted, there is no human right to visit some country or countries for tourism. War is a reason to limit tourism. Also, a tourism ban would not necessarily prevent Russian citizens from entering the EU for other reasons. 1/
The real question is the effects of the ban. The freedom to travel abroad was a major gain for Russians after the fall of the USSR. Denying Russians access to the EU could nake a strong impact as a signal that the invasion of Ukraine is denying them something of value. 2/
It could also have a denunciatory effect, indicating to Russians that Europeans are not just playing at disapproval of the invasion and are willing to forego the financial gains of Russian tourism to make that point. Finally, a tourism ban would be a negative experience that 3/