In sum, offering ceasefire TALKS puts Russia on back foot, mitigates nuclear risks, puts China/India on the spot, and allows Ukraine to keep fighting until Russia accepts reasonable terms. (15/16)
If Russia agrees to negotiate, Ukraine does not have to say yes in talks unless the terms are better than the alternative on the horizon. (16/16)
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A response to critics of Eli Levite’s and my piece in @ForeignPolicy on how to avoid nuke use in Ukraine & strengthen global pressure against Putin before Winter. foreignpolicy.com/2022/10/12/nuc… A thread (1/16)
Our central argument is that by offering ceasefire NEGOTIATIONS, Ukraine could further weaken Russian position. (2/16)
We want Russia driven entirely out of Ukraine, Putin replaced by someone more humane, etc. But we haven’t seen any plausible blueprints for actually returning Crimea & removaing the FSB/siloviki from power in Russia w/o nuclear use? Have you? (3/16)
The weapon is unnecessary, would divert military capabilities and funding from more pressing threats, and fuel an arms race that no one can win.
Yet some are fighting hard to revive it. Ahead of upcoming HASC hearings, a thread:
1st question: Is the SLCM-N even necessary?
In a letter to the Senate, STRATCOM Commander Adm. Richard offered the following criteria as needed to fill a “deterrence and assurance gap”: defensenews.com/pentagon/2022/…
The artifice of Richard’s pitch—suggesting that one weapon needs all five attributes he lists—betrays its weakness.
The U.S. already has or will soon have three other nuclear weapon systems that can, together, do whatever SLCM-N is supposed to do.
Twitter might be a good medium for my mischievous thoughts about the AUKUS submarine deal.
Herewith a thread.
The AUKUS deal resembles the US-India nuclear deal of 2005—done by a handful of self-confident officials in secrecy, precluding interagency vetting that might have revealed flaws and hurdles to the deal.
The nuclear deal was announced with great fanfare, heralding the beginning of a new, deep strategic partnership between the US and India, with an eye toward balancing China’s power.
Dr. Chris Ford and State Department colleagues recently published online a thoughtful and interesting paper on regional deterrence and low-yield nuclear weapons. Here with a thread distilling my critique of the paper. (1/18) carnegieendowment.org/2020/05/06/cri…
Debate will focus on the case Ford et al make for deploying low-yield SLBM warhead (W76-2). state.gov/wp-content/upl…
Yet, Ford’s introductory explanation of the 2018 NPR deserves more attention. (2/18)
Previous admins (Rep and Dem) have declared “extreme circumstances” to be the threshold whereupon the United States would consider using nuclear weapons. Ford correctly says this phrasing is excessively ambiguous. (3/18) fas.org/wp-content/upl…
THREAD summarizing my new paper “Toward Accountable Nuclear Deterrents: How Much is Too Much?” (reducing 15,000 words to 15 tweets). carnegieendowment.org/2020/02/11/tow…
For decades, nuclear debates have centered on the question, “how much is enough?” What size and type of arsenal, and what doctrine, are enough to credibly deter given adversaries? 1/15
Deterrence theory is very elastic and “allows” players to build and threaten to use boundless numbers of weapons with boundless destructiveness. This leads to “overkill." 2/15 jstor.org/stable/pdf/262…