The UK’s #Brexit debate has come back into focus with Swiss-style deal rumours, polling showing increased “Bregret” & signs of supply side frictions over & above pandemic legacy. A longish 🧵 on what, objectively, we see in data & some thoughts on impact to economic growth (1/n)
The cost of capital has undoubtedly increased for U.K. plcs since 2016. Equity for U.K. listed companies has become more expensive vs RoW as valuations have fallen: chart below. This also has 2nd order effects on incentives & activity to raise private & public capital in the U.K.
But 1st order effects of this has been on business investment. This has flatlined since 2016. While COVID/ mature business cycle made pre-16 trend unsustainable, looking at EU/US trends also suggests a material undershoot of ~£60bn/yr: chart below
Moving onto inward labour supply. In aggregate this has remained remarkably stable since Brexit but composition has changed. As non-EU migrants (now larger %) have lower employment rate the “bang for your buck” for U.K. employers of each additional unit of migrant labour is lower
The £ has faced a sustained devaluation since 2016. Most of this was a downward move post-referendum that has never recovered. This makes U.K. economic output less valuable in constant currency terms/ amplifies imported inflation. These effects are > trade competitiveness gains
Trade itself is rather harder to ascertain as data is v noisy, subject to revision & perhaps most importantly some of the eventual checks - on EU-UK imports - have not been implemented. But even here signs of a post transition lag (albeit hard to distinguish from CV19 noise)
Overall, these factors are worth about a 3% drag on GDP since 2016 in my view. There are also reasonable concerns of a longer headwind to competitiveness - & that this is not just a near-complete adjustment phase - but a downward shift in trend growth, with more to come.
At present we have ministers (government & shadow) openly denying this largely non-contentious economic evaluation - hiding behind factors such as measurement/modelling error, COVID or EU intransigence. Example here from the excellent @lizzzburden
Recently domestic investors have asked what will generate reappraisal of (deeply unloved) U.K. assets. Is it an innovative growth plan? Is it supply side reforms? Or is it U.K. political class not openly pretending black is white? I’d argue the latter is most important short term
Why? Well this evaluation (or similar) is available to do by any allocator of capital across the world. They don’t need OBR/BoE/ this thread to do it - data is hiding in plain sight! So U.K. ministers don’t look like serious people if they are pretending the impact doesn’t exist
None of this is to suggest there aren’t marginal benefits (as yet largely unharvested) of Brexit. Theoretically a more tailored regulatory framework, nimble industrial policy, even a bit of competitive arbitrage (albeit with escalation risks with a powerful neighbour) are there
Also I respect those that saw the UK’s EU membership as unsustainable, longterm, amidst EU/EZ plans for further integration. For many the inability to espouse a role for U.K. in EU was part of the issue. Removing that problem was a trade of problems - rather than eliminating them
So part of repair job to this 3% (& growing) hit to GDP starts with honesty over the economic impact of the Brexit vote. Yes, the betrayal narrative is forceful, but so is judgement of key economic actors when (as now) guardians of U.K. policy fail to acknowledge reality /END
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There are a couple of editorials today from the Wall Street Journal - wsj.com/articles/the-u… & @Telegraph that suggest financial markets do not understand the policy pivot now being undertaken in the U.K. A 🧵from someone who actually writes sell side economics research (1/n)
There are quite a number of pro supply side initiatives in #minibudget2022 worthy of positive appraisal. Accelerating key infrastructure planning approval, abolishing bonus cap & increasing work search conditionality/work coach engagement. 👍
On personal & corporate tax changes - the evidence that these (that are largely reversals of recent increases) can improve the performance of the U.K. supply side is unproven. Hard to argue (credibly) to clients that this helps support a trend growth uplift to 2.5%.
Gilt yield increases & GBP weakness a rational reaction to clear market of >£60bn new issuance required to fund #MiniBudget in 22/23. 3 areas HMT staff will be briefing Chancellor about over coming months: 1) Market reaction; 2) Intergenerational impact; 3) Behavioural response
Market reaction determines gross cost of these measures as they are entirely funded, initially, by borrowing. As Gilt yields rise there is a double squeeze - potential APF losses, & the Gilt refinancing cycle. Weak GBP will also raise RPI interest on £600bn of index-linked Gilts
Intergenerational transfers. #minibudget takes consumption from future to fund resources today. Given what we know about today's beneficiaries (older demographics) then analysis should assess degree to which fiscal activism (contentious macro) reinforces generational inequality
A 🧵 on economic issues thrown up by Conservative leadership contest in U.K. Firstly, & most crucially, whilst the arguments have centred on issues of inflation/fiscal sustainability from tax changes, these are relatively marginal (IMHO) given exogenous shock facing U.K. economy
There are v respectable arguments for looser fiscal policy into -ve demand shock (@rbrharrison) & tighter monetary/looser fiscal mix (@DrGerardLyons@MrRBourne). But also ok (my position) to suggest proposals unlikely to generate supply side response claimed/are poorly targeted
The turf war over inflationary impulse from tax cuts is a little like arguing over the curtains in the Colosseum as Rome burns. In short there are bigger economic forces at play. Responding to huge energy squeeze (industry, households, energy security) rather than a debt/GDP rule
Radical supply side reform: a 🧵 A Tory MP suggests this was point of Brexit - a 2nd derivative of “taking back control” (below). Reforms to clear labour & product markets efficiently is v welcome. Indeed you would be hard pressed to find an economist arguing against them (1/n)
However there are pre-conditions for decent supply side reforms. Firstly be SPECIFIC. 5 years post-Brexit saying supply side reforms does not make them so. What is it shorthand for? One area gov did address was planning reform - a similar Wattsapp group brought that to its knees
Secondly, “easy” supply reforms are ones that redistribute producer to consumer surpluses. Or corporate profits to wages. Again not a problem but where are objectives & the evidence for suboptimal distribution? Little evidence in Conservative 2019 manifesto of trade off analysis
Last day of Q2 and we have updated our U.K. growth estimates for the rest of the year given the growing confidence of the weakened link between infections and hospitalisations/deaths. In March were at 6.5% (180bp > consensus) and have moved to 7.0% (30bp > consensus).
There are more bullish forecasts out there and there are undoubted upside risks including post 19/7 and post-Euros (don’t jinx it 🏴) surge in sentiment . But there is also considerable downside risk that could crystallise. For me there are four areas:
1/ Precautionary saving. Recent card spend rolled over & if hhlds fear end of transfer payments/⬆️ tax this may mute spending. 2/ Inflation. Transitory it may be, but v visible pockets may yet permeate expectations & trigger BoE hawkish pivot in Nov. Fin conditions wld front run