Yang Zhang Profile picture
Nov 27 12 tweets 3 min read
Contentious politics is exciting for its eventfulness, newness, and creativity. This wave of multi-site protests in China is spontaneous, novel, and epic. It is still unfolding; its ending and consequences are uncertain. We may only offer a tentative analysis of its causes. 1/
In the past weeks, we saw violent labor protests in Zhengzhou, contentions mourning the deaths in Urumqi, the spread of the mourning protests in other cities, the campus protest in Nanjing Media College and other universities, and massive online protests (& censoring). 2/
More strikingly, new slogans, symbols, and tactics emerged out of this wave of protests. We saw solidarity of Han and minorities in Xinjiang, “Xi Jinping Step Down” in Shanghai, white paper in multiple campuses, and “freedom” & “democracy,” words disappearing for 30 years. 3/
Why were Chinese people able to mobilize in such a scale to protest against a regime that has turned more dictatorial recently? Why did Xi’s full control lead to full collapse? Why did China’s all-encompassing security and surveillance apparatus fail to prevent the protests? 4/
Revolutionary movements arise with immediate and underlying causes. The immediate cause is obvious this time: people are dissatisfied with the Zero Covid policy especially its stringent local implementation even after the Party Congress. There seems no exit, no end, & no hope. 5/
This may be the onset of more protests in China, which is trapped in a dilemma due to its slow push for elder vaccination. Abrupt opening will cause massive deaths & then national lockdown; continuing Zero Covid is unsustainable. Dynamic zero-covid leads to dynamic unrests. 6/
The underlying cause is more ironical (but not surprising to us): full centralized control leads to full responsibility and then national movement targeting at the center when expectations are not met. This is a Tocquevillian wisdom in his Old Regime and the French Revolution. 7/
Then how did Chinese citizens mobilize in the absence of social movement organizations or networks? There are three mechanisms. First, in a mass society where intermediate organizations are absent, citizens can spontaneously & surprisingly self-mobilize if no other way out. 8/
Second, ecological mobilization. Just like the Tiananmen movement, ecology-based mobilization again played an vital role when formal organizations did not exist: Factory dormitory in Foxconn, neighborhood solidarity in Urumqi & Beijing, and campus ecology in 100 universities. 9/
Third, social media effects: weibo, wechat & douyin played a key role in mobilization. China is tightly censored, but social media innovation & censorship became a game of recursive interactions this time. The “white paper” was an unexpected product in this endogenous process.10/
Finally, never forget contingency! This time it is the World Cup, which makes another dilemma for the Chinese state. People watch it and know how open and free outside of China; but if it is banned, more citizens will go to street. Either way, Football Fuels Fighters! 11/11
The next question that we have no answer yet: have political elites divided? Are there elite allies—even if tacitly—supporting protesters? Would Xi use this opportunity to purge his political rivals regardless of their attitudes? We may see the answers in the next few weeks.

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More from @ProfYangZhang

Nov 27
Protest on Tsinghua campus. This is very rare after 1989.
“民主法治,表达自由,科学理性,融入世界”
The Zijing dining hall, one of Tsinghua’s largest dinning halls.
Read 4 tweets
Oct 28
Chen Jining and Li Ganjie's promotion seems like a victory for environment protection, because Chen chaired that ministry in 2015-17 & Li chaired in 2017-2020. Chen studied environmental science in Tsinghua & Imperial College London & is a renowned environmental scientist. 1/ Image
So my story is more than "once upon a time in Tsinghua"; it is also about environmental governance, which has become increasingly important in China since 2000s. More than passive or performative governance, environmental governance is provocative and substantive in China. 2/
You may also ask: where is Pan Yue, Vice minister of environmental protection (2003-2016) and a charismatic leader in environmental governance. Pan left this field in 2016, but his stories of fighting against interest groups and powerful politicians remained legendary. 3/ Image
Read 6 tweets
Oct 25
I began to tweet political comments one month ago, on Sept. 25 and have been enjoyed sharing thoughts, analyses, and academic readings. Thank you all for your engagement. I look forward to future communications (but less frequently and more scholarly @THiS_TheHisSoc ). 1/
I also used this opportunity to introduce some foundational institutions and practices in Chinese politics, such as succession, factionalism, age limits, emperorship/premiership, and party congress as institution, ritual, & political selection mechanism. 2/
I hope to show the distinctive value of theoretically-driven and historically-grounded social sciences. To offer in-depth analyses, we must historicize our present as much as the past. Our analysis needs conceptual clarity but should also be accessible to general public. 3/
Read 6 tweets
Oct 23
To study Chinese politics, a pressing issue is knowing the emperor. What is emperor? How did emperorship work as an institution? How did he work with prime ministers, grand secretaries, and grand councilors? An empire perspective is indispensable. Here, I offer key readings. 1/
Chinese Historian Qian Mu's Merits and Weakness of the Political System in Dynastic China (中国历代政治得失) remains the most insightful and important work on the changing nature of emperorship and its relationship with premiership over Chinese dynasties. Highly recommended. 2/
Ray Huang's 1587: A Year of No Significance has fascinating stories and analysis about Ming Emperor Wanli and his troubled relationships with his Chief Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng and other actors. So does Philip Kuhn's Soulstealers, a study of Qing Emperor Qianlong. 3/
Read 15 tweets
Oct 23
I began to accept media interviews this October and have been glad to work with many reporters and editors. I thank the opportunity to share my thoughts on elite politics based upon my knowledge in history and theory. This thread will update some latest reports that quoted me. 1/
I was quoted in this story about Wang Yang, who "surprisingly" retired. For me, Wang Yang "demonstrated his flexibility, opportunism and competence" in different local and ministerial positions. Wang's leave signaled how strong Xi controlled the party. 2/
scmp.com/news/china/pol…
I discussed with @simonelmc what Xi's grab of power meant: "power transition in the 20th Party Congress offered (Xi) an opportunity to completely reshuffle the (Standing Committee) and to place his close associates to most – if not all – positions.” 3/
cnn.com/2022/10/22/chi…
Read 16 tweets
Oct 22
What we just saw was the making of an All Xi's Men team, the breaking of decade-long rules, and the birth of an unlimited supreme leader. These are not entirely surprising, but Xi's grab of power is still beyond our expectation. He is now a truly modern emperor. 1/ Image
Xi will rule China for not one but at least two and likely three terms (15 years). He is "only" 69 year old: Mao ruled China until his death at 83 and Deng kept CMC Chair until 1989 when he was 85. So don't expect Xi to retire before 2037. Xi's power apex just started, today. 2/
No successor. Xi is too "young" to pick up a successor. His ministers have no interest in suggesting one. Potential candidates dare not imply it. Xi's future successor is now a nobody (who is not even in the Central Committee this time). Succession may not be an issue in 2027. 3/
Read 24 tweets

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