#OTD 25 December, 1812, on Christmas day, Poniatowski and all the Polish corps returned to Warsaw.
Near Koltiniany, the first round of peace negotiation, mediated by Clausewitz, was opened up between Yorck and Diebitsch. #Voicesfrom1812
Poniatowski was seriously wounded in Smolensk and remained inactive thereafter. Travelling on his carriage, he quelled boredom by reading an extremely absorbing book he had picked up in Moscow.
To our disappointment, its title remains unknown.
(Zamoyski)
It was already Christmas when he finally saw his homeland again. Driving an open sledge with his adjutant Arthur Potocki, the general still suffered from a nervous fever.
Countess Potocka, who witnessed his long-awaited return, stated that he was "one of the last to come back."
It was obvious that he had undergone "a long and severe journey." Having twisted his foot while dismounting from a horse, he was "experiencing great pain at the least jolt."
At the joyous news of the Polish Prince's arrival, the Countess ran down to see him and kiss his hands.
She described how Poniatowski was seized with an insurmountable anguish:
"His features, overcast by his sufferings, expressed more mental than physical pain. He bitterly deplored the splendid army which had been cut to pieces under his very eyes."
During the first half of the campaign, his V Corps, alongside Davout [I] and Reynier's [VIII], had suffered the worst of attrition. They were obliged to make up for the delay caused by Jerome with forced marches to pursue Bagration.
Napoleon, however, did not reciprocate the Prince's sacrifices with due respect. To this representative of the state he claimed to be fighting for, the French Emperor threw a barrage of insults after each failed attempt to pin down the Russians.
Even during operations, the Poles were often loaded with pathfinding tasks across no man's lands.
But what agonized Poniatowski the most would have been what Napoleon's defeat signified for the fate of his country, currently the Dutchy of Warsaw.
Trying not to let his grief spread into the city, he stated that "his sojourn in Warsaw would be brief," and that "once the remnants of the Polish army were gathered together, he would actively take the reorganization of the troops in hand." (Potocka)
With his characteristic decorum, he alluded to Schwarzenberg's defection by saying that the Austrians were "less affable than the French, but perfect dancers." With hindsight about the 'dancing congress' of Vienna, his remark becomes extremely interesting.
Macdonald and Yorck were retreating free from Diebitsch, who had falsely assumed them to be marching on the Memel-Königsberg Road.
But the Russian General, after receiving a contradictory intelligence on the 23rd, suddenly turned back to the Tilsit road.
(Clausewitz)
At 10 a.m. on the 25th, near Koltiniany, Diebitsch's vanguard ran into "some Prussian sutlers belonging to Massenbach's corps" who informed the Russians that only Kleist's rearguard "of two squadrons of Hussars and two companies of Jagers were still behind." (Ibid)
At the time, Macdonald was at Wainuti, and Grandjean at Tauroggen, both about six miles away from the Prussian corps behind them.
Seeing Kleist's position clearly in jeopardy, Diebitsch decided to coax the Prussians away from the lost cause.
(Ibid, Wilson)
Diebitsch, like "a player in ombre, to play a small trump," persuaded Lieutenant-General von Clausewitz, a Prussian in the Russian army, to offer a flag of truce to Kleist.
Clausewitz consented under the condition that he be accompanied by a Livonian or a Courlander officer.
His request was granted. He was dispatched to Kleist's headquarter with Major von Reune, only to be turned away. Kleist wished to adjourn the conference to the evening when his commander, Yorck, arrives.
(Clausewitz)
In the same morning, Major Friedrich zu Dohna, Scharnhorst's son-in-law in the Russian army, visited Yorck's headquarter. Dohna handed him a letter from the Tsar, delivered via Palucci, stating that Russia would continue fighting to restore Prussia as a great power. (Leggiere)
The meeting, attended by Diebitsch, Clausewitz, and Yorck, was held late in the evening. Diebitsch politely communicated to him "the exact extent of force at his disposal" and discussed "the total destruction of the French Army." (Clausewitz)
He tried to convince Yorck that Tsar Alexander had instructed the Russian officers to treat the Prussians "with reference to former friendly relations, and the likelihood of their early renewal" and "to adopt every means of promoting such an accommodation." (Ibid)
The first meeting, ended at 10 p.m., did not reap significant results. As Yorck again postponed his decision, the only agreements made were:
1) A halt to all "military attempt"
2) Permission for Yorck to make a reconnaissance and a march on Lawkovo on the next morning.
Yorck, still unwilling to trust the enemy, offered a bargain:
"You have a number of Prussian officers with you-send me one of them in future, and I shall have more confidence."
Clausewitz, again sent as the medium between the two generals, warned Diebitsch of Yorck's cunning.
The tactician's gut feeling proved right, for as soon as the two dismounted at a village house, they heard pistol shots from their rear.
It was Captain Weiss' dragoons sent by Massenbach.
"For the moment we were left in complete uncertainty," wrote Clausewitz.
#OTD 26 December, 1812, the advanced guard of Macdonald's corps carried out a forward flanking march, unintentionally making complete the final wedge between the French and Prussians of the X Corps. They, in turn, forged an ideal moment for Yorck's defection. #Voicesfrom1812
The X Corps, owing to the abundance of fur in Latvia and the commander’s unforgettable experiences in “the winter campaigns of 1794-95 in Holland, and more especially of that of 1800 in the Grisons, and when crossing the Alps,” looked remarkably well-clad. (Macdonald)
Macdonald had personally requisitioned “30,000 sheepskin pelisses from the Polish and Russian peasants” in exchange for “the skins of the sheep consumed” by his men. He attested that “[t]his wise precaution saved them from hunger and cold” of -27°C. (Ibid)
#OTD 24 December, 1812, Tsar Alexander held a belated celebration of his birthday in Vilna.
Kutuzov, in return for his victory at Krasny, was accorded the Order of St. George of the First Class and the title of the Prince of Smolensk. #Voicesfrom1812
The actual date of the Tsar's birth was 23 December, when he arrived in Vilna. But after observing the miserable condition of the field hospitals, Alexander refused any celebration, insisting that "dancing or even the sound of music could not be agreeable." (Wilson, Mikaberidze)
But Kutuzov shrewdly proposed that they make the best of the occasion to celebrate the Russian victory. After their successive victories, all festivities had been confined to singing Te Deums in St. Petersburg.
Alexander could not help but accede to his shifty request.
#OTD 23 December, 1812, Tsar Alexander reached Vilna on his 35th birthday. Forgoing celebration, he and Grand Duke Constantine set on rescuing the French prisoners stricken with disease. At the same time, he maintained that his campaign must be continued. #Voicesfrom1812
Alexander arrived in Vilna on Wednesday, just before daybreak. It had taken him four days of carriage ride from his Winter Palace through unabating snowstorm.
"The happy inhabitants," according to Lowenstern, brought horse-driven sledges to carry the entourage to the Palace.
It was the same castle in Old Vilna he, shortly followed by Napoleon, had stayed in during the summertime.
At its gates Alexander found the old Field-Marshal who, despite his age and gout, had been waiting for him in freezing weather.
(Lowenstern)
#OTD 22 December, 1812, Napoleon exhorted the Conseil des Finances to collect 150 million francs of Extraordinary Customs Duty to allocate fund for the campaign of 1813.
Junot, at Königsberg, applied for a congé to Thorn, never to see the Emperor again. #Voicesfrom1812
The Russian expedition, historically unparalleled in both scale of mobilization and mortality rate, had rendered France and its satellites bankrupt. According to Alexander Grab, annual military expenditure, previously about 350 million francs, had soared to 600 million in 1812.
Empires, especially those furbished by constant conquest, were expensive entities, cyclically vanquished by their own overexpansion.
During the Consulate, Napoleon had been sufficiently discreet about financing his ventures and refrained from radical tax increases.
#OTD 21 December, 1812, Dr. Larrey, Sergeant-in-Chief of the Grande Armée, arrived at Königsberg and found 10,000 wounded and ill men.
Among them was General Lariboisière, Chief of the Artillery of the Imperial Guard, who had failed to outlive the day. #Voicesfrom1812
The III Corps, except for Ney and Marchand, left for Marienberg on the day after their arrival.
“We were hardly outside the Königsberg gate when we all marched to the left again toward the Thorn highway," wrote Jakob Walter, a speck in the masses of French and German soldiers.
Because other generals had either gone ahead or died, Fezensac directed the five days’ march to Marienberg. Murat marked the Vistula as their westernmost point of retreat, and anyone who makes a crossing there would be “regarded as a deserter to the enemy.” (Fezensac)