🧵Before 1917, Karl Marx was a niche figure, known mostly to fellow socialists and to economists who critiqued and rejected his system. It was not until Lenin & the Soviets that he attained mainstream salience. This is widely attested in the intellectual history of Marxism.
We start with Karl Kautsky, something of a designated successor to Engels & probably the most prominent Marxist theorist working between the 1890s-1917. He wrote in his memoirs that very few of his fellow socialists read Marx's Capital, and even fewer understood it.
Arthur Balfour, future PM of the United Kingdom and a famously well-read political thinker in his own right, observed in 1885 that Marx was practically unknown in England, compared to the well-known Henry George.
In 1909, the US-based International Socialist Review acknowledged to its readers that it was only in the last decade that Marx became accessible to even fellow socialists in the United States due to a lack of a publisher. Before that he was "practically unknown."
All of that started to change in 1917, when Lenin's Bolsheviks seized control of the Russian government.
Thomas Nixon Carver taught the main course on socialist theory at Harvard at the time. Here's what he said in 1922 about the Bolsheviks elevating Marxism into the mainstream.
Non-Marxian socialists had a similar reaction. Here is G.D.H. Cole, a Fabian Society member, writing in the New Statesman in 1924 about how Lenin resurrected Marx from the grave.
After the Russian Revolution, numerous scholars remarked that 1917 was a watershed moment for Marx's reputation. Here is Solomon Bloom in 1943 in the Journal of Political Economy.
By mid-century, the role of Lenin in elevating Marx from relative obscurity was well known. Louis Fischer pondered as much in his National Book Award-winning intellectual biography of Lenin in 1965.
Frederick Copleston, in his landmark multi-volume history of philosophy, makes a nearly identical point by noting that the Bolsheviks saved Marx's reputation from fading into 19th century obscurity.
Scholars from across the political spectrum have long observed that Marx was indeed a relatively obscure figure in his own lifetime, and for a good while thereafter. Here is the British historian C. Northcote Parkinson in 1967 noting as much:
Thomas Sowell noting the same thing in his 1985 study of Marxism. Marx was little-known in his lifetime and died in relative obscurity.
We need not rely on Marx's critics though to confirm these observations. Eric Hobsbawm, arguably the leading Marxist historian of the last century, said as much in his study of the Communist Manifesto's dissemination. It was not until Lenin that Marx gained widespread attention.
Kirk Willis (1977) similarly observes that Marx was either ignored or rejected by most readers in his classic study of the dissemination of Marxist thought in late 19th century Britain.
Perhaps Alan Ryan, distinguished political philosopher and professor emeritus at Princeton, summarizes it best in the intro to his own 2014 book on Marxist political thought.
And yes, we now have empirical validation of these observations, which date back over a century. Marx's citation patterns had a significant boost from the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, after remaining relatively flat in the preceding decades.
Here is W.E.B. Du Bois (himself a Marxist) complaining in 1933 that Marx was little-known in the United States and largely dismissed by intellectuals as a crank until the Soviets put him on the map in 1917.
Addendum II: Here is H.G. Wells in 1933, making a similar observation.
Addendum III:
British historian E.H. Carr, who wrote one of the first major histories of the Soviet Union, admitting that he had never even heard of Karl Marx until the Bolsheviks carried out a revolution in his name.
Addendum IV: William Woodruff in his "Concise History of the Modern World," pointing out that Marx might have remained an unknown figure if not for Lenin.
Addendum V: Here is the Marxist theorist Louis Althusser in 1967, stating that without the formula successfully acted on by the Soviets in 1917, "Marxist theory would have remained a dead letter."
He's also a tad skeptical of the earlier SPD iteration.
Addendum VI: Alain Badiou, the French Marxist-Maoist philosopher, stating in no uncertain terms that Marx was an obscure figure in the 19th century, and that his reputation as a prominent thinker in that century is a retrospective reconstruction.
Addendum VII: Karl August Wittfogel, one of the original participants in the 1923 seminar that founded the Marxist Frankfurt School, writing in 1960 that Lenin salvaged Karl Marx's reputation from fading into obscurity.
Addendum VIII:
Ivor Jennings, British academic and jurist, remarking on Karl Marx's death in obscurity and limited influence in England.
Addendum IX: Sociologist Geoffrey Hawthorn, pointing out that Karl Marx was not read or taken seriously in most countries until long after his death.
Addendum X:
British socialist Henry Hyndman writing in 1911 about how Karl Marx was an obscure figure with almost no recognition in the British public around the time of his death.
Addendum XI:
1946 speech by Lord Lindsay of Birker, himself a prominent political thinker, comparing Marx's obscurity in his day to Hayek's prominence after Road to Serfdom came out.
Addendum XII:
July 1913 issue of the Common Cause magazine, recounting how Marx was "practically unknown" in his lifetime outside of a small number of German socialists.
Addendum XIII:
Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises in a 1952 lecture about Marxism, noting that Marx was "practically unknown" in his lifetime and ignored for some time thereafter.
Addendum XIV:
Ludwig von Mises again, in a 1944 essay about how Marx was little-known in Germany's SPD due to a separation between the party's Marxist intellectual elites and its rank and file members, who never even heard of Marx's ideas in any meaningful way.
Addendum XV:
1912 article by Harvard professor William Rappard in the Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, noting that Marxists had a negligible presence in America in the 19th century.
Addendum XVI - Marxist historian CLR James in 1960, correctly observing that until 1917 the notion of a Marxian socialist state emerging was considered nonsensical. Lenin changed that.
Addendum XVII: here is Marxist theorist Rosa Luxemburg in 1918, carrying on about how the Bolshevik revolution had saved Marxist socialism from social democracy.
Addendum XVIII: socialist historian Philip S. Foner documenting his surprise that almost nobody noticed Karl Marx's death outside of the socialist far-left.
Addendum XIX: Edmund Fawcett in "Liberalism: the Life of an Idea"
Addendum XX: Louis Menand in the New Yorker in 2016, noting Karl Marx's "relative obscurity" in his lifetime while also repeating Alan Ryan's observation that the Soviet Union put Marx on the map in 1917.
Here is British historian Paul Adelman in his 1972 history of the Labour Party, noting that Marx died in obscurity as an almost completely unknown figure in Britain.
Addendum XXII:
Roger E. Backhouse, "The Penguin History of Economics" (2002)
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Far-left historians today often exaggerate the importance of slavery to capitalism by tracing cotton's derivative products globally.
That said, there is one 19th century figure who directly benefitted from slave-produced cotton: Karl Marx.
For most of his adult life, Marx relied on handouts from his friend Friedrich Engels for his main source of income. From the 1840s-1869 Marx send Engels a non-stop stream of requests for money, which Engels usually obliged. After 1869, Engels sold his business partnership and began giving Marx a regular yearly allowance from the proceeds that more or less lasted until his death in 1883.
Engels's business, in turn, was a large textile mill in Manchester operated by his father's firm Ermen and Engels. And what did that mill make? Yarns and fabrics out of slave-produced cotton, which it sourced from the American south.
We know this because, in 1862, Engels wrote a letter to Marx about the American Civil War in which he reported that cotton from the south had dried up because of the blockade. Other business records indicate that Ermen and Engels got their cotton from shipments through Liverpool, which in the 1840s-1861 meant southern plantation cotton imports from the United States. Indeed, southern cotton would have been the raw material that sustained the majority of Engels' working career since he retired only 4 years after the end of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery in the United States. His firm likely also got cotton from other sources such as Egypt during the Civil War, but for most of his multi-decade career there, the cotton would have been slave-produced.
That means Engels very much made his family fortune as a derivative beneficiary of American slavery. And he used that slave-derived fortune to directly subsidize Karl Marx ;-)
Marx also knew where his patron's money was ultimately coming from, because Engels would write him detailed letters about the cotton markets in America - letters that were informed by his own business stake as a cotton textile mill manager.
We also know that Engels himself had no problem with his slave-produced inputs. In 1852 he wrote Marx, reporting that he had just pitched his father on relocating to Liverpool...
...where he would serve as the cotton procurement agent for the factory.
I pick on Slobodian in the thread below as an egregious and recurring offender. But this sort of quote-editing by leftist scholars is *extremely* common in academia.
Here's another by Nancy MacLean & Sandy Darity where they transform an attack on Apartheid into a defense of it.
MacLean et all published the manipulated quote above (along with several other similar manipulations) in an article for the Australian journal "History of Economics Review" in 2023.
In 2023 trio of us wrote a response comment calling attention to MacLean et al's blatant misrepresentations & sent it to the journal as a request for correction.
We encountered the same pattern of a politically partisan editor running interference to protect MacLean.
If a historian on the right abused evidence in this way, they'd face career ruination.
When Boston University's Quinn Slobodian does it, he gets a Guggenheim fellowship, book awards, and a Hewlett Foundation grant.
Academia's rot runs far deeper than a simple crisis of rigor.
Slobodian does this sort of thing frequently in his published works - almost always to make the person he is misquoting appear to be sympathetic to racism.
Here's another where he excerpts out the very next sentence in the passage...because it completely contradicts his own claim.
🧵We all saw Gabriel Zucman's NYT op-ed justifying the California wealth tax proposal, along with ostentatious claims that billionaires pay lower tax rates than average Americans. Let's dig into the methodology...
Zucman & his coauthor Emmanuel Saez have been making this claim in various forms for years and presenting it as "fact," even though they have struggled to gain scholarly acceptance of their approach. Instead, they do "peer review" by sending their stuff to the NYT editorial page
I first caught this pair in 2019 when the rolled out "new" stats claiming that the ultra-wealthy only paid an overall tax rate (federal/state/local) of a little over 20%.
In reality, the wealthiest Americans pay about 41% - a fact admitted in Zucman's own stats from 2018.
And here is a longer academic journal article I wrote about this episode, including digging into what Zucman altered to put his thumb on the statistical scale. independent.org/wp-content/upl…
🧵The Trump admin's defense of Section 122 tariffs has a huge legal obstacle that almost nobody has noticed thus far.
It comes from an obscure provision of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. I'll explain below.
Let's start with Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974. This is the provision that Trump used to reinstate a 10% across the board tariff after SCOTUS struck down his IEEPA tariffs in February.
The US Court of International Trade ruled against Trump on Thursday. He has appealed.
At issue with Section 122 is the meaning of "Balance of Payments deficits," which must exist before the president can impose tariffs through this law.
Historically, a BoP deficit meant a drawdown on the country's official monetary reserves under the Bretton Woods exchange system