The theme of my reporting this year was ideological capture and its consequences. From hospitals and nonprofits to corporations and the courts, “wokeness” isn’t just stifling free speech or inventing dumb neologisms; it is determining policy that affects millions of people.🧵
With the backing of the Food and Drug Administration, at least three US states allocated life-saving COVID drugs based on race—in some cases affording “BIPOC status” or “non-white race” more weight than hypertension, heart failure, or chronic lung disease. freebeacon.com/coronavirus/fo…
It wasn’t just state health departments, but private hospital systems: SSM Health, one of the largest health networks in the US, gave race more weight than diabetes, obesity, asthma, and hypertension combined in its allocation scheme for COVID treatments.
Biden’s Department of Health and Human Services explicitly blessed these schemes: HHS hailed Utah’s allocation system, which gave “Latinx ethnicity” more points than congestive heart failure, as a "promising practice" for other states to consider.
Woke medicine isn’t just about race. It’s also about gender. The American Academy of Pediatrics now says 9 year olds are mature enough to consent to puberty blockers and figure out their own gender identity, but not to cross the street by themselves:
The result: puberty blockers are now given out “like candy” at pediatric gender clinics—that’s according to Jeremi Carswell, the head of Boston Children’s Hospital’s gender clinic—and courts routinely block laws that restrict access to this highly experimental treatment.
Ok, so medicine is nuts. What about nonprofits?
Well, the largest domestic violence group in Philly paid BIPOC staffers more than white ones, asked white staffers to affirm their innate racism, and discouraged black abuse victims from calling the cops.
How about big business? Pfizer offers a prestigious fellowship that bars whites and Asians from applying—and which is a blatant violation of numerous civil rights laws, according to top legal experts.
Amazon gives "Black, Latinx, and Native American entrepreneurs" a $10,000 stipend to launch their own delivery startups, an offer that a class-action lawsuit calls "patently unlawful racial discrimination."
Many prominent businesses are also writing racial and gender quotas into their credit agreements with banks, tying the cost of borrowing to the companies’ workforce diversity. The result is a self-imposed financial incentive to discriminate.
And it’s not just banks and businesses that are writing racial quotas into their agreements. It’s also businesses and universities: Microsoft and IBM capped the number of white and Asian students that universities can nominate for research fellowships.
Google likewise set strict caps on the number of white and Asian students that universities could nominate for its Ph.D fellowship, a policy legal experts said could threaten the federal funding of nearly every elite university in the United States.
Many of these programs are illegal, and lots of smart lawyers are finding creative ways to challenge them—for example, by arguing that corporate discrimination violates not just civil rights law, but also fiduciary duties to shareholders.
Here’s the problem: the law may not be a bulwark against woke racism for much longer. Once confined to the margins of academia, wokeness has started seeping in to every part of the legal system, from law schools to law firms to the judiciary.
Yale Law School is perhaps the most high-profile example: in March, hundreds of YLS students attempted to shout down a bipartisan panel on civil liberties, causing so much chaos that police were eventually called to escort panelists out of the building.
This year, the American Bar Association required all law schools to educate students “on bias, cross-cultural competency, and racism.” That education must include an ethics course that informs students of their duty to "work to eliminate racism.”
These ideas have already upended basic norms of due process in a major U.S state: When litigants claim that “implicit bias” affected a trial verdict, the Washington state Supreme Court ruled this year, the opposing party "must prove how it did not.”
There is no reason to believe that respect for due process will improve any time: Elite universities—which produce the lion’s share of our elites—have continued to capitulate to the mob in cases of alleged misconduct.
Princeton offers another. I was the first reporter to confirm that Princeton was planning to fire Joshua Katz over a decades-old affair with a former student—even though the school’s Title IX office found that he hadn’t violated any Title IX policies.
Let’s put the question another way: does it matter that people are being denied medical care and economic opportunity because of their race? Does it matter that lawyers and judges no longer believe in bedrock principles of American law?
OBVIOUSLY.
Does it matter that doctors, policy-makers, and courts of law are deferring to an organization that believes 9-year-olds can change their gender but not cross the street? That a domestic violence nonprofit is telling abuse victims not to call the police?
OBVIOUSLY.
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One of the three DEI officers who left Princeton—the only “she/her”—wrote a paper about being a “Black Feminist Womxn in Student Affairs.”
She begins the paper by declaring: “As a Black womxn and student affairs professional, I experience oppressive and traumatizing harms.”
“I discuss exclusion, silencing, White guilt, compassion fatigue and White assimilative practices as part of the harms I face in higher education. I am reflexive about my own positionalities but also reflective on…being a change-agent inside a status quo sustaining institution.”
This essay comes from a larger volume: “Working While Black: The Untold Stories of Student Affairs Practitioners.”
Entries include “Not All SuperHERoes Wear Capes” and “Sis Is Tired: The Trials and Tribulations of Being a Professional Black Women in Higher Education”.
When litigants claim that racial bias affected a trial verdict, state justice Raquel Montoya-Lewis wrote in a unanimous opinion, the opposing party "must prove how it did not," demonstrating that nothing said at trial played on the jury’s "unconscious biases."
Absent such proof—which lawyers say will be impossible to furnish—courts must grant a new trial.
Lawyers and legal scholars are aghast, arguing that the decision undermines bedrock principles of the American justice system.
Another, hired by the athletics department, says “they” had “anxiety attacks” after coaches were “resistant” to holding “trainings about trans-inclusion policy and guidelines.”
The “macro-aggressive environment” was “fairly traumatic for me,” the nonbinary administrator said.
Avina Ross—the only “she/her”—left after she experienced the “‘traumatic’ difficulty” of securing a promotion.
“This is something that BIPOC people experience in higher education all the time, at the hands of white leadership,” Ross said.
NEW: At least three (possibly four) guaranteed income initiatives in the San Francisco Bay Area openly discriminate against white residents, limiting or entirely preventing their participation in programs that dole out no-strings-attached cash.🧵
The programs—all of which are publicly funded—violate both the United States and the California state constitution, lawyers say, as well as civil rights laws that ban race discrimination in contracting and by the recipients of government funds.
The initiatives include the Black Economic Equity Movement, which provides $500 a month exclusively to "Black young adults," the Abundant Birth Project, which provides $1,000 a month to "Black and Pacific Islander mothers."
The New York Times could have had this (objectively blockbuster) story. Instead, they allowed woke staffers to bully Bari out of the paper with axe and guillotine emojis, and fired a star editor for publishing a perfectly reasonable op-ed by a US Senator.
This shows that Twitter’s head of trust and safety was scheming up subtle ways to limit “misinformation,” to censor with a soft, difficult-to-see touch.
The American Academy of Pediatrics's guidance on trans kids was written by one gender clinician with help from 2 trans activists, neither of whom has a medical degree.
One of the main people in charge of the AAP and CDC's COVID vaccine recommendations for kids was Yvonne Maldonado, a Stanford professor who conducted clinical trials of Pfizer's mRNA vaccine—a job for which she was presumably paid. pfizer.com/science/clinic…
And four of the six members of the AAP's committee on “LGBT Health & Wellness” work in pediatric gender clinics that prescribe puberty blockers to patients as young as 10 and cross-sex hormones to patients as young as 14.