THREAD. On 6 July 2018, we submitted a FOI request to the Scottish Prison Service (SPS) asking for sight of the equality impact assessment undertaken on their trans prisoner policy. whatdotheyknow.com/request/equali…
The SPS lists all equality impact assessments (EQIA) they have carried out on their website. No EQIA was listed for the trans prisoner policy. That is still the case today. sps.gov.uk/Corporate/Abou…
The response showed that the policy had been under development since 2007. It listed details of those who had been involved in the EQIA. (Teresa Medhurst, then governor of HMP Edinburgh, is now SPS CEO.)
Later, an independent researcher discovered that the metadata from the final policy document revealed its author as James Morton, Manager of the Scottish Trans Alliance, who was also consulted as part of the EQIA. scottish-women.com/2018/09/12/sco…
The EQIA showed which groups had been consulted as part of the process. The Scottish Trans Alliance and Stonewall Scotland were consulted but no women’s groups were consulted.
The EQIA stated that: “SPS could be at risk of corporate discrimination if they miss manage [sic] a transgender person.”
The evidence they cited included a 2012 report by trans activist organisation GIRES, which was co-authored by James Morton of the Scottish Trans Alliance. The report does not make any reference to prisons. gires.org.uk/wp-content/upl…
The EQIA also referenced a 2012 report from Gendered Intelligence, which also makes no reference to prisons. web.archive.org/web/2015031619…
It asks “Which equality groups will be affected by the new or revised policy/practice?” and lists nine protected characteristics under Equality Act 2010, although it gets two of those wrong, using ‘gender’ instead of ‘sex’ and ‘gender identity’ instead of ‘gender reassignment’.
The EQIA concludes that only those with the protected characteristics of ‘age’, ‘gender identity’ and ‘sexual orientation’ will be affected by the policy.
The section on the Public Sector Equality Duty concluded that there would be no adverse effects on any groups.
Further consideration of the impact of the policy was mostly concerned with how it would impact on trans prisoners.
It states: “There are people in prison for transphobic crimes”. Mitigation: “SPS have a duty of care and will take steps. A trans person should not have any contact or be in the same location at any time with a person who has been charged or sentenced to a transphobic crime.”
It states: “There are vulnerable people in prison when faced by a trans person (pre operation) might induce fear to that person”. Mitigation: “SPS will take steps to support vulnerable and trans people.”
There is a brief reference to risk assessments: “SPS is aware of the risks presented by trans people and before making a decision have to be aware of all risks. A comprehensive risk assessment will give the SPs protection and protection to the trans person.”
The course of action suggested by the EQIA is “Outcome 2: Proceed with adjustments to remove barriers identified or to better promote equality”. Note that the EQIA does not seem to conclude that the threshold for Outcome 1 has been met.
The EQIA concludes: “There is no direct evidence that this policy will be discriminatory or will breach any article or protocol in the Human Rights Act.”
And “the new process should not have a detrimental effect on any protect [sic] characteristics in the Equality Act or any Human Rights Articles.”
In the section on how the policy should be monitored and reviewed, it states that SPS should “Support trans case conference in prison” and “Monitor numbers of trans people, monitor complaints from trans people”.
When the policy was launched in 2014, the Scottish Prison Service, working with the Scottish Trans Alliance and Equality Network, produced two videos to demonstrate aspects of the policy in practice.
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We are quoted in this article in today's Herald about a letter sent by a number of women's groups to Nicola Sturgeon regarding recent comments she made in the press about the nature of opposition to gender recognition reform. heraldscotland.com/news/24813000.…
The letter was co-signed by us, @ForWomenScot, @Scot_Feminists, @ScotLesbians, @WRNScotland, @VoteWithOurFeet and @WWWheesht.
A letter from Police Scotland has just been published by the Scottish Parliament’s Criminal Justice Committee. It states: ‘The Committee should be absolutely assured that a man who commits rape or serious sexual assaults will be recorded as a male’. parliament.scot/-/media/files/…
This is a major U-turn by Police Scotland. We welcome that Police Scotland has at last recognised that allowing sex offenders to self-identify their sex is indefensible.
Today we are publishing ‘A Woman’s Guide to the Hate Crime and Public Order (Scotland) Act 2021’. The Act, which creates a new offence of ‘stirring up hate’ in relation to ‘transgender identity’, came fully in force from 1 April 2024. murrayblackburnmackenzie.org/2024/04/07/a-w…
There is a concern that the Act coming into force will increase complaints about what women say and a lot of uncertainty about how readily the police will respond to complaints by launching investigations.
It has been written for women in Scotland who want to be able talk freely, using ordinary words, about how sex is real and can’t be changed, and how that affects their lives and those of other women and girls.
🧵On 27 October 2023 we wrote to the Chief Constable Jo Farrell, raising our concerns about Police Scotland policies on gender identity, and asked for a meeting to discuss these.
The letter was sent onto DCC Speirs in his capacity as lead for Professionalism, lead for Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, and the Policing Together portfolio. An in-person meeting was arranged for 31 January 2024, at Police Scotland Headquarters, Tulliallan.
The meeting was cancelled on the morning of the 31 January. A second meeting was arranged for 8 March 2024. That was cancelled on the same day. A third meeting was arranged for 12 March, which went ahead online.
In 2020, we wrote about how the long-time existence of a UK-wide offence of stirring up racial hatred was being used to play down or attack concerns about extending stirring up offences to a wider range of characteristics. 1/9 murrayblackburnmackenzie.org/2020/08/28/the…
This offence was regarded in 1986 as being uniquely necessary for race. In its submission to the 2018 Scottish review, the Coalition for Racial Equality and Rights opposed the extension of the stirring up offence to other groups based on absence of clear evidence of need. 2/9
The 2021 Act deals with race a bit differently from other characteristics. The government argued this was justified “due to the historical and structural nature of racism, the prevalence and seriousness of race hate crime and the impact that this has on community cohesion”3/9
As covered in today's @heraldscotland, the Scottish Prison Service took deliberate steps to avoid disclosing the operational guidance on its trans prisoner policy under Freedom of Information law, ahead of the policy going live. heraldscotland.com/news/24132893.…
The SPS was aware the operational guidance would be subject to FOI requests once it had published the main policy. Under FOI law public authorities can, however, refuse to disclose information if they plan to publish it within 12 weeks.
To take advantage of this provision, SPS officials brought forward the policy start date - originally intended for 13 weeks after publication of the main policy. This meant the operational guidance was no longer subject to disclosure ahead of the policy going live.