In addition to the subtle movement regarding Finland's and Sweden's NATO ratification process, I recently travelled to both Türkiye and Hungary. Some reflections to what the overall situation looks like at the moment in the form of a thread. 🧵🇫🇮 🇸🇪 🇹🇷🇭🇺
1. While I stick to most of my earlier analysis from a January thread, some potentially relevant changes have taken place since. Mostly in terms of Türkiye, yet we shouldn't overlook the importance of Hungary either.
2. The big debate at the moment is about Türkiye possibly splitting the ratification pace of Finland and Sweden; meaning that it could ratify Finland at this point but not Sweden. cnbc.com/2023/01/30/erd…
3. While this might seem as sudden, my understanding since Madrid has been that Ankara has had more issues with Stockholm than Helsinki. During my visit to Ankara, this position (and Erdogan's recent one) was echoed quite strongly too by many.
4. Finland's official position has been that the primary goal is to become a full member of NATO at the same time as Sweden. This hasn't changed the message has become more open to other options as well; meaning that Finland might advance if greenlighted.
5. A similar change of tone was heard from Stoltenberg at the NATO's MoD meeting. His previous stance on the importance of simultaneous NATO ratification became more open. Likely that he wouldn't give these type of statements without consulting others. yle.fi/a/74-20017876
6. The changing dynamics are related to Türkiye. Ankara seems to be possibly favoring the ratification of Finland at this point but not Sweden. A message I heard in Ankara emphasized that it's up to Helsinki and Stockholm to coordinate if Finland wants to be ratified earlier.
7. This could be seen as Türkiye intentionally driving a wedge between Finland and Sweden but also as a move to relieve the pressure on Ankara to ratify both and counter accusations of appeasing Russia. Keeping Sweden in a limbo also enables the F16 debate to continue.
8. The way I read it, there's a possibility for 🇫🇮 to become ratified before the 🇹🇷 elections of May. However, the equation remains opaque and events like the earthquake bring uncertainty. Also, we know that last year Erdogan mislead his Finnish counterpart before the application
9. On Budapest, their parliament returns on the 27-28 of Feb. I gained the impression that there's no principled resistance towards Finland and Sweden in NATO; that their military contribution to the Alliance is understood and undisputed. As such, the issues lie elsewhere.
10. Hungary seems to hedge its position in order to maximize national interests, which are not always about sharing the solidarity burden with other Allies. Their complex 🇪🇺 & 🇷🇺 relationship and close coordination with 🇹🇷, all of this/the above is related to the ratifications.
11. As I read it, their parliament might not deal with the ratifications immediately in February or even March. More likely in April-May but by Vilnius is my understanding. The government seems to not have decided yet, when its in their interest to complete the process.
12. Also importantly, there's likely a close coordination between Ankara and Budapest on the schedule. Budapest says they don't want to be the last one so if see movement there, it could be a sign that we'll also see movement in Ankara. There's a connection to possibly follow.
13. To sum: at this point we're closing in on a critical point of event and negotiations as Vilnius approaches. Türkiye has increased the pressure especially in 🇫🇮 where there's a 80+% in favor of NATO and 50+% in favor of going by itself is possible and elections closing in.
14. It will likely be difficult for politicians to advocate waiting for the rafitication if it would be possible, considering the war too. Yet, there's every reason to be cautious of promises from Ankara and there's Budapest, who doesn't have a clear single reason for holding up.
15. I see this as a moment of careful and skillful diplomacy by all. Coordination is needed between Finland, Sweden, the US and NATO but also by and with Türkiye and Hungary. The next weeks and months will be very decisive. Cooler heads prevail as anything can happen now.
16. I still believe that Finland and Sweden will be members by the Vilnius Summit, even if Finland would be ratified slightly earlier. Ankara is likely looking at the terrorism legislation in Sweden (due June) and the F16's. Yet, we've been surprised before too.
We’re getting an increasing amount of great analysis of 🇫🇮🇸🇪 in NATO and the Nordic-Baltic burden-sharing. However, it’s not in the bag yet and the pending ratifications remain uncertain. Some points on what to expect from the actual membership process in 2023.🧵
1. Still at 28/30 with 🇹🇷🇭🇺. Let’s start with the ”easier” one: Budapest. While advocating in favor of a quick and unproblematic process, words and action haven’t really matched. The ratifications have been pushed forward several times due to ”schedule/break reasons”.
2. In late 2022 it began to seem that 🇫🇮🇸🇪 (among other things) were indirectly linked to the feud between 🇭🇺🇪🇺 over funds. The preplanned ratifications for December were postponed but since then the EU funds issue has been resolved — for now.
Tänään 30 vuotta mittariin. Twitteriin liityin 9 vuotta sitten kun Ukrainan ensimmäinen sota alkoi. Siitä käynnistyi yhden ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikan moniottelijan polku, joka jatkuu edelleen. Kiitollinen monille kaikista eri vaiheista tähän asti!
Tässäpä muistoksi ensimmäinen julkinen turvallisuuspoliittinen kirjoitukseni Turun Sanomiin vuodelta 2015 ollessani opiskelija — sopivan raflaava siis. 😉
”Kun ääneen keskustelu Venäjästä näyttäytyy ulospäin näinkin hankalalta, se osoittaa heikkoutta.”
Todettakoon vielä, että mahtavaa nähdä, miten Suomessa kasvaa hiljalleen joukko uuden sukupolven ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikan toimijoita. Sellaisia, jotka ovat syntyneet 1980-luvun lopulla/1990-luvulla. Elämän avainkokemukset tällä porukalla hyvin erilaisia kuin edeltäjillään.
2022 was a formative year for Finland not only due to its NATO membership application but also for the Finnish-Russian relationship. An aggressive Putin administration and NATO membership mean changes for Finland's Russia policy.
Some reflections on the 🇫🇮🇷🇺 relationship.
1. Fundamentally, the decision to seek NATO membership was about Finland’s need to manage its relationship with Russia and is linked to Helsinki’s long tradition of how it should live with its eastern neighbor and the threat it could potentially pose.
2. Throughout its independence since 1917, Finland has sought a manageable security balance with Moscow and balancing Russia's security threat has taken several forms in the past...
We heard Medvedev’s New Year's predictions for the West so here’s an 17-point counter forecast for Russia in 2023 — and most likely beyond.
Hint: it’s not encouraging from the Kremlin’s perspective.
1. After 10 months of war, it’s become clear that Russia won’t achieve its original goals in Ukraine and will have to back-off. Especially after economic sanctions kick in. Hence attention is bound to slowly turn to the political price Russian leadership will to pay for the war.
2. Overall picture: this is a poorly planned and improvised military expedition. Russia is suffering defeats, trying to mobilize poorly trained and equipped troops for a war without a clear purpose for its people, while trying to steal territories it doesn't even control.
In NATO, the political status of member states in the Alliance stems from military performance and location. On a European scale, Finland is a "military superpower" located in a strategically important area. Along with responsibilities, this brings influence.
11-point thread 🧵
1. Fulfilling the 2% of GDP on defence with a 280 000 wartime strenght (900 000 reserve), Europe’s largest artillery, modern airforce/fighters and navy vessel and a well trained conscription system, Finland is already a ”model student” for NATO.
2. Not to mention that 🇫🇮 geographic position as a Baltic Sea/Arctic country makes it an essential player when considering a conflict with 🇷🇺. These regions have traditionally been seen as potential flashpoints in wargames between NATO and 🇷🇺 — highlighting 🇫🇮 importance.
Nato on sotilaallinen liittokunta, jossa jäsenmaiden poliittista asemaa mitataan eri tavalla kuin EU:ssa. Suomi on eurooppalaisessa mittakaavassa ”sotilaallinen suurvalta”, joka sijaitsee strategisesti tärkeällä alueella. Tämä tuo vastuiden ohella vaikutusvaltaa.
Muutama ajatus.
1. Suomi oli jo ennen jäsenyyshakemusta Naton kannalta haluttu yhteistyökumppani. Tämä perustui nimenomaan Suomen sijaintiin arktisena ja itämerellisenä maana, jolla vahvat maa- ja ilmavoimat. Niiden merkitys Pohjoisen Euroopan puolustamiseksi tärkeässä osassa.
2. Nyt kun jäsenyys toteutuu, Naton piirissä Suomeen tulee eittämättä kohdistumaan odotuksia suorituskykyjen kehittämisen ja jakamisen osalta. Tämä on selvää ja myös sekin, että yhteiseen puolustukseen osallistuttava; oma tontti hoidettava, mutta muitakin varauduttava auttamaan.