🚨 NEW today is the @EchelonInsights#SplitTicketAtlas updated for 2022: Almost 100 maps showing unique voter coalitions by state, and answering who performed better where: Trump, or Republican gubernatorial and Senate candidates in 2022.
Governors' races are new to the most recent version of the #SplitTicketAtlas. A particularly telling slide: @BrianKempGA improved over Donald Trump virtually everywhere in GA, but not in places like Henry County, which have seen rapid demographic change in the last 2 years.
In Vermont, @PhilScott4VT had overperformances of as much as *101%* in margin over the Republican candidate on the ballot in 2022.
I initially thought this Idaho map had to be wrong, since it looks so much more random than other states. It wasn't: Just the effect of Ammon Bundy as a third-party candidate for Governor.
Nebraska is an interesting example of a state that seems split 50/50 regionally, but a lot of these orange Trump-first counties are very sparsely populated.
Lessons? Even if split ticket voting is on the decline, we saw in 2022 that it still matters. But when planning for a campaign you shouldn't assume over or underperformances will be spread out equally across the state.
🧵 A few quick notes for posterity to close the loop on those interminable polling error debates from before the election that have now seemingly been memory-holed. From our final MI/PA/WI surveys...
We were seeing much the same issues as @Nate_Cohn was with raw samples coming in much more pro-Dem across the board.
Without weighting on recall vote, MI & WI would have been Harris+ high single digits.
@Nate_Cohn .@Nate_Cohn highlighted the reasons not to do recall vote, which I'm sympathetic towards, but imo there's no way not to do it in states with no/minimal party data on the file, like MI & WI.
PA didn't change w/ recall vote because party reg data is so robust.
Why is Biden focusing more on his base than swing voters?
A polling experiment finds some answers.
At first blush, Biden appears to have a higher ceiling than Trump. 43% say there's ZERO chance they'd vote for him, 48% for Trump.
For months, we've been asking people to rate their likelihood of voting for Biden or Trump on a 0-10 scale. We then compare the answers to come up with an alternative to the traditional head-to-head ballot, assigning voters based on their probabilities.
This nuanced view of intensity shows why Biden had an upswing in the polls: voters totally committed to him (Biden 10, Trump 0), went from 22-23% of voters to 27-28% starting in March, matching Trump's hardcore group.
Before, there was probably doubt Biden would be the nominee.
We're already starting with the takes about a high percentage of Republican primary voters signaling they won't support Trump in the general.
These numbers don't show what you think they show.
They are pre-Trump establishment relics, not new defections. 🧵
Haley is down to 20% while Trump has over 70%. It is what it is.
This is pretty undistilled hardcore Trump opponents and skeptics. Any defection in the general will come from this 20% but ultimately amounts to single digit percentages of Republicans.
But people who will vote in the Republican primaries != the Republican base in the general election.
In NH it includes a lot of independents who are crossing over to support Haley in the primary.
This shows why she's such a strong general election candidate...
The Hispanic realignment continued across party registration states, with the GOP reaching new highs in the first quarter of 2023 most places.
Approaching 60% of new registrants in FL, near 50% in AZ.
The Realignment is slowly starting to reach Black voters.
There's been a surge in the GOP share among new registrants starting after 2020 in FL & NC, two states required to keep race on file.
In FL it's surged from 5% to 14%. In NC, 4% to 8%.
#PartyofthePeople
In other states, likely black voters are identified by living in high black population census tracts, which are nearly all Democratic, but the trend is positive.