Next #Section230 SOTN panel starting with @joellthayer noting that FOSTA was important for taking down Backpage...
The DOJ took Backpage down before FOSTA was enacted. But details.
Yael Eisenstat (ADL): "where does Section 230 stop? where are the lines?"
Section 230(e) is a good starting place.
@MattPerault importantly reiterating those limits. #Section230 is not a defense to federal criminal prosecution. Congress has the tools to create legislation in this area if they feel it necessary.
what is the policy problem we're actually trying to solve and how specifically does 230 reform address it?
This should always be the first Q before any legislation is considered.
.@billyez2 rightfully notes to @joellthayer the GAO report highlighting zero progress that FOSTA/SESTA made towards addressing sex trafficking since the law was enacted in 2018. gao.gov/products/gao-2…
.@joellthayer rebuts that it's ridiculous to not change 230 out of the fear that "something bad will happen."
But that's precisely the issue Billy is pointing out. Legislating without considering the immense consequences on speech and human rights is truly absurd.
ADL arguing that we need to regulate the Internet like we regulate other offline industries.
Again...massive difference between oil & gas and an entire industry that revolves around speech and expression.
.@joellthayer suggests that #Section230(c)(2) is unconstitutional because it "enables" broad content moderation and bias.
Crucial comment by @billyez2 that most lawmakers trying to curb #Section230 do not have the best intentions.
In other words, as we've seen with proposed legislation like EARN IT, the spoken intent is to "protect kids" while the actual intent is to undermine encryption.
Yael pushes back on @Reddit brief in Gonzalez, noting that Facebook targeting is fundamentally different from upvoting / downvoting.
How? Upvotes, retweets, likes, shares, targeted recommendations, are all ways in which we "endorse" content -- protected by 1A and 230.
As soon as we introduce arbitrary legal lines that cause courts to question the thin factual boundaries surrounding the use of algorithms and editorial activity, we moot #Section230 entirely.
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ICYMI Texas' latest compelled-birth bill (HB 2690) enables private claimants to target websites that aid / abet abortions.
This only further raises the stakes for Twitter v. Taamneh; a case that will consider whether Twitter aided / abetted terrorism under the ATA.
How could this play out?
If SCOTUS holds that Twitter--in merely providing access to its service and enforcing its community guidelines against terrorist content--aided / abetted terrorism, the same can be said for *any* website that happens to host abortion related content.
Think about Facebook groups, subreddits, discord servers, group chats, etc., dedicated to providing a safe space for discussions about abortion resources.
Getting ready to kick off the Future of Children's Online Privacy panel at #SOTN2023
Jane Horvath suggests that more states need to implement kids privacy leg.
Privacy for all is an important goal. But state-by-state solutions will only make the current convoluted patchwork problem worse.
If anything, we should be focused on getting to Yes on federal privacy.
Key point from Jamie Susskind -- conversations regarding online harm to kids clouds the federal privacy discourse making it impossible to pass legislation. Those conversations are important but separate.
JCT kicks it off driving at the substantial assistance Q.
Hypo: JCT's friend is a mugger and JCT loans him a gun knowing that the friend *may* use it to commit a crime. Does he need to know more to qualify aiding / abetting?
Petitioners note that the facts in Twitter's case are much more remote than JCT's example. Twitter doesn't have any reason to know or even infer the same of its users.
Most surprising for me was Justice Thomas. Right out the gate, he essentially questioned why this case was even being heard.
Which would be totally fair had he not been begging for a 230 case to opine on since 2019 but I digress.
Another surprise:
The Court seemed to appreciate that algorithms and content moderation are essential to the way the Internet functions today and that attempts to create imprecise legal and technological distinctions could have irreparable effects on the modern web.