おはよございますTwitter! Greetings from a stunningly beautiful Chiba where #DSEI_JAPAN_2023 is about to kick off. Let's do a proper thread on submarines and ask a crucial question: is there a case of post-1945 sub development to gain guidance on challenges Australia might face?
The answer is: yes, that is Japan post-1945. The following thread reviews and summarises some key points in work I have done on JMSDF submarine development and that can be found here: tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108…, and here: tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108… - let's put experience in context:
1. A very expensive commitment. Are submarine an expensive commitment? Dead right they are. Not just SSNs - they all are, and they all are particularly expensive to develop an initial domestically built, sustainable fleet.
That's certainly the case of JMSDF.
1a. Getting it going. For the JMSDF, because of post-war setup (and strong Australian objections ironically), the first 20 years so mostly subs as and 'ASW training asset'. Development was costly, painful, and drained meagre resources. At points it absorbed 23% of investments.
1b. But it was also a necessary effort to ensure that a sustainable balance, linking op requirements, performance, and costs were all somehow met. For JMSDF that's where the yearly commitment to building subs, with 18 years retirement came from.
1b. Managing trade-offs. By the time the Uzushio class came to be - the Japanese had come to terms that SSKs were their solutions. By SSKs standards, Japanese subs were pretty unique. 3 Decks, Tear-drop design, these were maximised for high end with short legs. That was the gig.
2. Getting it right, operationally. The JMSDF had, by late 1970s, the most advanced and modern diesel subs, bar none. Yet, initial operational performance was disappointing. Silencing procedures, tactical learning of your boat (the 'know your boat' motto) all had meaning.
2a. Working with the most proficient partners. One key element in the JMSDF ability to improve operational proficiency fast was the close ties with the USN. A supporter of the JMSDF endeavour since the beginning, training in Hawaii and USN inspections were key.
3. Getting it right, technically. By far, the greatest challenge in a fast evolving tech environment - and propulsion for SSKs changed greatly since the 1980s - is keeping investments stable and regular as to adapt fast. That was certainly the case for JMSDF.
Worth reminding ourselves that in the very early 1990s when decisions were taken to explore Stirling engines, the JMSDF decided to sacrifice Asashio - one of the newest boats to trial the new propulsion suitability for their subs. By 2005, the tests were paving a new way.
What's important here to consider is the fact that the JMSDF debates for 2 decades their submarine force's mission and by the time these were adopted in 1976, the context was set for an operational spectrum that remains relevant to today. That's key to getting it right.
4. Mission spectrum. For the JMSDF, the decision over propulsion depended on two core factors (costs being always a major issue to consider): tactical applicability and distances for patrol deployment. in the 1970s SSKs were a good compromised -
Today, the sub fleet is exploring what the potential new missions is likely to entail for it. The Japanese experience is a powerful reminder though that capabilities like subs don't come off cheap. Never. They demand partners willing to help. And they deliver over long term.
Getting it just right is hard and frankly very much a contextual endeavour. Still, it also suggests that history can offer food fro thoughts and I hope this was helpful. Other than that -f you're at DSEI over the next couple of days, come look out for me!
The bow tie is the mark.
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Good morning Twitter. The long anticipated new frameworks of Japan's defence and security are out. On schedule as planned. Like clockwork. The original docs are here on the JMoD page - mod.go.jp/j/approach/age… some initial thoughts which I will follow up on as I plow through them:
First things first. The deadline was set so the docs had to come out today. In 2013, the docs were out both in Japanese and English versions. Not this time. That's not entirely surprising since language fine tuning lasted until last minute See here: asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Japan…
In the press conference, PM Kishida clarified that China presents the 'greatest strategic challenge ever faced' - indicating that the word 'threat' was not chosen as opposed to 'strategic challenge'. See the reporting on this here: asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Inter…:
Good evening Twitter. Tonight PM Sunak gave his first big foreign policy speech. The text is below. The PM comes as a politician with limited FP experience, and criticisms already are emerging which I think miss much needed context, so here is a thread: gov.uk/government/spe…
Context: Linking economic prosperity and security in a maritime sense.
What does this mean? Many will not be familiar with the very first piece of writing the PM authored back in 2017. It was a groundbreaking piece on sea cables and economic resilience: policyexchange.org.uk/wp-content/upl…
Tonight’s speech displayed much of the same logic and approach - taking it step further. At heart prosperity and security are inevitably linked to each other through trade and connectivity. Given current projections, the stability of the maritime order is a central pillar.
Good morning Twitter. I am back. Courtesy of the Russian Navy's commitment to test if and how naval warfare evolves. Yes, a thread about the 'naval drone' attack conducted at the WE by seemingly Ukrainian forces against the Black Sea Fleet. Spoiler alert: NOT. A. REVOLUTION.
First things first -as usual. Very grateful to @jkuehn50 for pinging me with @cdrsalamander latest - which as you'd expect - is spot on on the topic: cdrsalamander.substack.com/p/the-aspects-… -Allow me though to offer some additional thoughts on why this matters strategically more than tactically.
The media coverage as it's been the case for most of the 'naval war/maritime front' has mostly highlighted its inability to report on operational theatres that are not dry. Two notable examples. First, the technologist take of the David vs Goliath: nytimes.com/2022/10/31/us/…
The Military is the Fourth Instrument of UK Power in the Indo-Pacific - a very strange piece from a most trusted analyst and a reminder that regional and thematic expertise need to go hand in hand for any analysis to make sense. Three points here: rusi.org/explore-our-re…
1. Premises. UK interests are presented as economic. No - not just. There are treaty obligations, political expectations, industrial projects. None of this is new, @CommonsForeign and @CommonsDefence run multiple sessions on these; I wrote on them in 2019: policyexchange.org.uk/wp-content/upl…
Key point: you cannot present an argument on a false premise - and one that frankly is not all that complex to reconstruct properly to set off on a good start;
China’s huge exercises around Taiwan were a rehearsal, not a signal, says Oriana Skylar Mastro | This is a strong take but perhaps one raising three issues: economist.com/by-invitation/…
1. The exercises are of much larger scale - yes. But so is the PLA. The key question is whether the Pelosi visit was the trigger or a happy set of circumstances; given prior behaviour I’d be tempted to suggest the latter;
2. This leads to a second point. What does rehearsal mean? Of course exercises are to an extent a rehearsal. The assumption that this is one as opposed to a ‘signal’ is not the ideal framework. It’s both. But the key is the microsignalling here;
Taiwan Starts Two-Day Defensive Drills as Tensions With China Remain High - Additional reporting on the Taiwanese drills - and the a. Ounces extension of PLA exercises with some observations from yours truly: wsj.com/articles/taiwa…
‘Announcing an extension to the exercises appeared to be part of Beijing’s psychological warfare strategy.
The PLA’s annual summer exercises have traditionally lasted two to three weeks, and the Taiwan drills, which serve as those exercises this year, should be no different’…
‘By framing what the PLA had already planned to do as “an extension,” he said, Beijing was able to accomplish three goals:Scare the Taiwanese, put the Americans in their place, and advance their point of view in changing the status quo, preventing any others from’ responding.