1. This is an introductory build up action to Just Stop Oil's planned slow marches and general disruption in London.
Initial highly visual actions serve an advertising function.
Before XR did their April 2019 rebellion, they poured fake blood outside Downing Street.
Part of the logic of these stunts is that they serve a "come and join us" function. They seek to make people who are politically aware but inactive become active. To mobilise the people who yell at their telly onto the streets.
2. There has long been a splinter in direct action movements between a strategy of focusing specifically on targets vs trying to interrupt everyday life so as to make the issue unignorable & to create a general crisis. Roadblocks are a good form of general disruption.
But so is disrupting large parts of civil society, as Just Stop Oil have done: Formula 1, Football, Art galleries etc.
The idea here is if you yell about climate crisis in all spheres of society, the issue becomes more prominent.
3. This kind of direct action has a contradictory relationship with public opinion - and how it "works" is often misunderstood. What happens is that the activists are hated and despised but because they force the issue up the agenda, the issue itself rises in "voter priority".
The issue doesn't get a general flack per se but the activists do. So when it's claimed "your making your issue unpopular", it's not strictly speaking true.
This there's this dynamic of "yes they're absolute wankers but well maybe they have a point".
Note these graphs:
This dynamic is the opposite of what happens in conventional non disruptive protest.
Nobody necessarily actively despises you, but also nobody cares about your issue.
It's a binary between personally hated but effective vs personally indifferent and ineffective.
4. The extremity of the action communicates the extremity of the crisis. There is (unintentionally) a messaging flaw with "conventional" climate change protest - namely that the tone contradicts the content.
If the crisis is so severe, why are you only doing petitions?
The opposite is true with Just Stop Oil. If you have people willing to do *very outlandish things in public space* and are also risking arrest, imprisonment etc etc it communicates the idea "well maybe there is a crisis" etc.
This is a good thread on the (often awful) discourse around the strategy of Just Stop Oil & climate change direct action
They literally deploy the "middle class activists" trope not necessarily because they want to have a meaningful debate about class in movement politics but because they don't want to engage with the issue at hand.
It's of course interesting because it's not like the trade union movement - which is always framed as some pure & authentic working class movement - has no middle class people in it!
The "middle class" line is only ever flogged at "fringe" concerns like climate politics, anti racism, LGBT rights etc.
It's a way to cheaply evade the issues at hand and ignore the fact that the *entire left* is a weird awkward coalition between working & middle class people.
The difference is that actions that directly attack a target get less press attention - so you don't usually hear about them, thus you assume that all JSO do is the stuff at art galleries etc.
They're actually much more tactically diverse than many people give them credit for.
In direct action there is a split between two styles of action: specifically concentrating on an "enemy target" (Shell, BP, etc) vs trying to create a general crisis that grabs attention (road blocks, disrupting major sport events etc).
The two state solution is just impossible "on the ground" because the settlements have been constructed in such a way as to break up Palestinian territory into small, broken up disconnected territory.
Then of course the most garish fact here isn't the broken up bits of territory in the West Bank but just the fact that the West Bank and Gaza are vastly separated.
No sovereign territory makes sense like this and it's too complex to logistically solve.
The one state solution makes sense ethically and politically. But in the context of the Flayton tweet with it's evocation of "recognising reality" and seeing the tangible situation "on the ground", it makes more sense than 2 states.
When people say "sex work is work", what they're communicating is the idea that if it's work then a worker's rights & class war frame needs to be applied.
Getting bogged down in discussing whether the work itself is "good" or "bad" is an abstraction.
There's a *clear* class dynamic & a *clear* set of demands that needs to be engaged with in the same way ppl engage with the demands and politics of raikworkers on RMT picket lines, posties on CWU picket lines, Deliveroo drivers doing flying pickets etc.
"No-one on the liberal left seems to accept my loaded, reactionary & illiterate framing of political issues"
If you intentionally create a system where there are barely any safe & legal routes, most forms of migration will be "illegal".
If you make the system so complex, drawn out and bureaucratic, a system where the rules shift so frequently that a migrant could be classified, arbitrarily, as "legal" today then "illegal" next week, worrying about the law is obviously a pointless exercise.