“Polarization” not only obscures what the key challenge is – the anti-democratic radicalization of the Right and the threat of authoritarian minority rule – but also transports a misleading idea of America’s recent past and how we got to where we are now. 2/
We start by outlining the central arguments and claims of the #polarization narrative, looking both at how it’s been conceptualized in the political and social sciences as well as at how the idea of “polarization” has shaped the broader public and political discourse. 3/
Our point is not that there aren’t specific aspects or dimensions of American politics, society, and culture that are adequately described as “polarized.” But once the “polarization” concept is adopted as an overarching diagnosis, it becomes really problematic. 4/
We offer an empirical, normative, and historical critique of the polarization narrative. On the empirical level, the pervasive polarization narrative completely obscures the fact that we find relatively broad consensus on some key political, social, and cultural questions. 5/
It is true that in many areas, the gap between “Left” and “Right” is very wide, and has been widening. But where that’s the case, it has often been almost entirely a function of conservatives moving sharply to the Right, and the Right being extreme by international standards. 6/
Most importantly, the “polarization” narrative completely obscures the fact that on the central issue that is at the core of the political conflict, the two parties, and Left and Right more generally, are very much not the same – that issue is democracy. 7/
Republicans are willing to abandon and overthrow democracy because they consider it a threat to traditional hierarchies and their vision of what “real” (read: white Christian patriarchal) America should be. Many of them are embracing authoritarianism. Democrats… are not. 8/
One party is dominated by a white reactionary minority that is rapidly radicalizing against democracy and will no longer accept the principle of majoritarian rule; the other thinks democracy and constitutional government should be upheld. That’s not “polarization.” 9/
On the normative level, the “polarization” paradigm privileges unity, stability, and social cohesion over social justice and equal participation. It doesn’t adequately grapple with the fact that the former tends to stifle the latter. 10/
“Polarization” ignores the fact that calls for racial and social justice are inherently de-stabilizing to a system that is built on traditional hierarchies of race, gender, and religion – they are indeed polarizing but, from a democratic perspective, are necessary and good. 11/
As a historical paradigm, “polarization” tends to mythologize past eras of “consensus” and supposed unity. But in U.S. history, political and social “consensus” was usually based on a cross-partisan agreement to leave a discriminatory social order intact. 12/
The era of “polarization” began when the white male elite consensus that had dominated both parties and society started to fracture.
In many ways, “polarization” is the price U.S. society has had to pay for real progress towards multiracial pluralistic democracy. 13/
Why do scholars, politicians, journalists, and pundits cling to the idea of “polarization”? Because the narrative’s inadequacy is not a bug, but a feature – it is precisely the fact that it obscures rather than illuminates the actual problem that makes it attractive. 14/
The “polarization” concept is useful if you want to lament major problems in American politics, but simply can’t bring yourself to address the fact that the major threat to American democracy is a radicalizing Right, is the threat of rightwing authoritarian minority rule. 15/
In this way, the concept even provides a rhetoric of rapprochement since it does not require agreement as to what is actually ailing America, only that “polarization” is to the detriment of all. The “polarization” narrative never breeds contention, it engenders unanimity. 16/
The genius of the #polarization narrative: It provides the language for a lament that blames nobody and everybody, it satisfies the longing for unity – which it constantly fuels in turn! – by offering a consensual interpretation; consensus re-established through the back door.
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Republicans uniformly embrace the gun cult and will only ever double down on the gun-toting militancy they have made a key element of their political identity.
To put this in perspective: There is absolutely no equivalent to this among major parties that could be regarded as even remotely mainstream / “conservative” anywhere else. It’s the most obvious indicator of what an extremist outlier the GOP is by international comparison.
I don’t want to downplay the role of NRA money - obviously, that’s a huge factor. But the problem also runs deeper: to the level of a political culture that has normalized the gun fetish to the point where it’s hard to imagine how a functioning democracy might be sustained.
Whenever you come across any variation of this “But privately, he is a really good man” nonsense about a person whose political/professional record is indefensible, remember that it’s either uttered in bad faith or indicative of a naive, very limited understanding of the world.
We see this kind of defense of powerful people who have used their platform and influence in awful ways all the time - their friends and allies eager to scold us for not seeing those supposedly beautiful human beings for who they truly are underneath.
What all the defenders have in common is the fact that they don’t consider the awful person’s politics and the way they have chosen to use their power a dealbreaker - or, in Hochman’s case, are simply fully on board with the politics, ideology, and actions.
Thoughts on Musk’s destruction of the virtual public square – and what democracy is losing.
The Sabotage of Twitter Is a Disaster for Democracy:
What’s been happening to Twitter is not politically neutral. Musk’s actions have had a clear political valence. He sees himself as a brave crusader against the dangers of “wokeism” and wants to make Twitter a more hostile environment for those he perceives to be on the “left.” 2/
None of this is new. The misunderstanding of the Silicon Valley tech world as liberal and progressive is rooted in the center-left embrace of neoliberalism and the pervasive “end of history” thinking of the post-Cold War moment in the 1990s. 3/
We decided to do this episode after the shooting at Covenant School in Nashville. But that was over three weeks ago, and so there have been so many more mass shootings since, so much more death and destruction. 2/
In the U.S., it’s always right after and right before a mass shooting, regardless of whether we apply the term to shootings in public space or in the home. And day after day, myriad social interactions and conflicts escalate because guns are ever present. 3/
In a functioning democratic system and healthy political culture, anyone uttering such deranged nonsense would be shunned and ostracized, a party elevating them would not be considered a viable option by anyone but an extremist fringe.
Whatever the actual circumstances under which Noem’s granddaughter grows up, and whether or not the governor of South Dakota actually thinks toddlers should play around with guns, the key problem is that in today’s Republican Party, she benefits from saying such things.
How much of what Noem and other Republican elected officials, who are worshipping at the altar of the gun, are doing is “sincere,” how much is opportunism? The answer is never either/or: It’s both, ideology and opportunism reinforcing each other in specific ways.
There Are No Decisive Victories for Democracy to Be Had Yet
Processing an extreme week in U.S. politics.
New Democracy Americana:
It’s been one week since Donald Trump had to come to the Manhattan Criminal Court to turn himself in and Janet Protasiewicz was elected to the Wisconsin state Supreme Court, giving liberals a majority for the first time in 15 years. 2/
On Tuesday, a lot of commentators were ready to celebrate April 4 as a triumphant day for American democracy. But a week later, everything that has happened since should also serve as a reminder that we need to hold off on grand proclamations of democracy turning the tide. 3/