Housing was cheaper, so was higher education and health care, and despite Nixon, Vietnam, Watergate, and the oil crisis there wasn’t the same post-“End of History” stasis that has characterized the neoliberal order.
For as awful as the 1970s were, you could still imagine that a better world was possible and work collectively to accomplish it.
Now, to be clear a lot of this—simply looking at the R vs. D breakdown in the poll is Archie Bunker-style nostalgia, yearning for a time when the blacks and the gays knew their place.
But I think it’s important to underline just how fluid things were in 1973, and how the landscape for the black freedom struggle and gay liberation seemed nowhere near as bleak as it does in retrospect.
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A student asked me on Tuesday if I was alarmed by Trump’s plan to put the homeless in concentration camps.
I said that what was *more* alarming is the way in which liberals are increasingly giddy over deploying violence against the homeless.
We are at a very dangerous conjecture where reactionary Democrats in NYC and SF are taking the lead in this.
Remember the former Dianne Feinstein intern who mused last month about lynching drug dealers?
To be clear, I’m really referring to the informal alliance of affluent urban professionals and middle-class homeowners that make up the base of support for Adams, Hochul, and guys like Chicago not-mayor Paul Vallas.
The thing about these post-left COMPACT dudes is that it’s entirely possible to have rich, rigorous, and even cheeky critiques of Brooklyn Left culture without, y’know, going full fucking fascist.
Congratulations, my man, you’ve just discovered historical materialism.
It’s even possible to have an analysis of why homelessness and “broken windows” stuff is bad without ending up in the “therefore they should all just die” position.
This is of course true but needs to be underlined how the destruction of history through right-wing state suppression is inextricably intertwined with the destruction of history though neoliberalism.
The reason I find a guy like Adolph Reed compelling—despite Reed’s obvious flaws and deficiencies—is that he, at least, provides some kind of critical analysis about how the neoliberal university—and neoliberal university faculty—are sites of class reproduction….
….which turns the entire enterprise into a gigantic sorting mechanism of labor aristocracy.
Sure, Trump could win—I don’t want to discount that. And Mr. We All Know I Have Paid For Abortions isn’t going to run on a “let’s execute women for having an abortion” platform.
But I do think analysts—like Levitz—who were spooked by the razor-thin 2020 margins and Youngkin’s victory over the inept McAuliffe campaign are really missing just how dramatically the political landscape has changed since 2021.
Woke up this morning realizing that the nonexistent 20th-c. U.S. history job market is going to be somehow even worse on the fall because of all the TT professors fleeing Florida universities.
The thing is, it’s not like this actually really changes anything. There were I think 3-5 non-subfield specific 20th-c. U.S. jobs last year? (Obviously loads more in AfAm.)
So it’s not like an addition 50+ people on the market when 500 apply for one job makes much difference.
The one TT job I got an interview (not a campus visit) for was at a public in Montana, and I have to imagine at publics in red/conservative states the politics of hiring a scholastic refugee from Florida or Texas is going to be… complicated.
Thesis: the Biden administration is actually a reasonably good example of what Warrenism would have looked like.
I backed Warren until the primaries started specifically because I thought she was the best candidate to aggressively transform the administrative state for progressive purposes, by making the right staffing moves, putting pressure where needed, etc.
I don’t think Biden has done that with an ideological objective in mind or even much in the way of discipline, but particularly when Klain was in this was where he kind of stumbled into.