Why have two official estimates of China’s trade surplus diverged by $270bn over the past year?
It’s not data manipulation. Turns out, it’s another case of multinationals exploiting preferential tax rules and messing up the global balance of payments data. Let’s investigate! 1/
Here’s the basic issue. According to China’s customs agency, its trade surplus was $970bn in the year through March, while the State Administration of Foreign Exchange data pegs the goods surplus at only $670bn in the balance of payments. 2/
That divergence reduced China’s current account surplus by about 1.5% of GDP last year. That’s the difference between the IMF labeling China’s external balance as being in line with fundamentals or stronger than the level implied by fundamentals. 3/
So SAFE would seem to have an incentive to manipulate the data to keep China off the IMF’s naughty list. And I came close to accusing them of this a few months back. Sorry! 4/
The difference largely comes down the fact that the balance of payments measures changes in ownership between domestic and foreign entities, whereas merchandise trade tracks shipments across international borders. 5/
SAFE explained in September last year that the gap comes from how it treats foreign-owned factories in China’s bonded zones. SAFE effectively treats those factories as foreign territory, while Customs counts them as being part of China. 6/
My previous scepticism was largely due to a translation error. There are 2 bonded zones in the Customs data. One is just “bonded zones” the other is “integrated bonded zones,” usually translated as “comprehensive free-trade zones.” 7/
I thought SAFE was referring to the former, which has declined as % of exports. But the latter has risen sharply as a share of total exports. And that rise coincided with the widening data discrepancy. 8/
So what’s going on in these FTZs? Here’s a recreation of SAFE’s key diagram. Assume the multinational firm owns the processing firm and warehouse in the bonded zone, probably through a holding company in Hong Kong. 9/
SAFE records the sale of inputs for production in the bonded zone (transaction 1) as an export, whereas Customs doesn’t. Neither captures the transfer of the finished goods from the processing firm to the warehouse (transaction 2). 10/
But Customs will record foreign sales from the warehouse as an export, whereas SAFE will not (transaction 3). And SAFE will record any sales from that warehouse into China’s domestic market as an import, whereas Customs will not (also transaction 3). 11/
In net, SAFE will record more imports and fewer exports than Customs if these multinational firms are export oriented. 12/
We can approximate the impact these transactions might have on SAFE’s estimate by netting out 50% of the exports that Customs recorded from the FTZs, to roughly account for the inputs from domestic suppliers that SAFE counts as exports. 13/
A viola! That pretty much erases the Customs/SAFE discrepancy in the export level. This isn’t conclusive proof. Since Customs doesn’t record domestic sales from the FTZs we can’t verify SAFE’s higher import figures. 14/
And SAFE seems to be missing some export earnings from “merchanting,” or purchasing and reselling goods abroad. China resold LNG it had purchased under long-term contracts to Europe at spot prices last year, but there’s no sign of those deals in the current account. 15/
But I’d guess the profits accrued to shell companies registered in foreign tax havens, which often go missing from other countries’ balance of payments, too. So I’m now convinced that SAFE has not deliberately misstated its trade data to lower the current account surplus. 16/
Still, from the rest of the world’s perspective, it doesn’t matter. Purchases of the goods produced in China’s FTZs by multinationals are likely to be treated as imports in the merchandise trade data and the balance of payments of other countries. 17/
That’s especially true if the factories are registered to a shell company in HK or a tax haven, as they all likely are. Shell companies and tax havens are a major problem for economists tracking global capital flows. I recommend following @Brad_Setser for more on that... /end
Sorry. I should have linked to the SAFE report that I was referring to. It's here. Look at Box 1. safe.gov.cn/safe/file/file…
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Pop quiz! According to China’s stats bureau, did residential real estate investment fall by 7% YoY or 17% YoY in April?
Trick question. It's both.
What’s going on? How can they have lost track of the most important sector in the economy at this critical turning point? 1/
First, a bit about the data. The NBS reports China’s real estate data in year-to-date format for the levels (yuan or volumes) and growth rates. The chart above shows how the two measures for investment have diverged the past 2 months. 2/
To make sure this wasn’t a calculation error or a problem with our data providers, I downloaded the data directly from the NBS, and calculated the annual growth rate for the YTD investment level data. It doesn’t match the reported YTD growth rate either. 3/
How China is reshaping global value chains in 3 charts. First, a decent chunk of the decline in its imports this year is due to a decline in the processing trade. Final assembly of goods for export to the US really is moving out of China now. 1/
But that doesn’t mean China is being engineered out of supply chains. In fact, it seems to be capturing a larger share of the value-added in the production of iphones and the like, while it gives up final assembly due to US tariffs. 2/
China’s industrial policies for electric vehicles is paying off. Domestic consumers are shifting to domestic cars, so imports are falling. And Chinese companies are globally competitive, so exports are booming (some of which is Tesla). 3/
A local government financing vehicle in Zunyi, Guizhou officially became the first LGFV in China to restructure all of its bank loans last week. This is a big deal since it's a precedent for how other off-balance sheet debts may be restructured. A🧵 1/ finance.caixin.com/2023-01-03/101…
LGFV debts or local government “hidden debts” are a big problem. For @asr_london I estimated that their off-balance sheet debts and contingent liabilities rose to CNY47tn (39% of GDP) in September, up from CNY20tn (27% of GDP) at the end of 2016. 2/
Regulators have been trying to curb LGFV debts since at least 2010. Lately they’ve made some progress, maybe. Guangdong said it eliminated all its hidden debts in January, and Shanghai and Beijing are aiming to do the same. 3/
I think in many ways the mystery of the PBoC's exchange rate intervention that @Brad_Setser, @michaelxpettis, @EtraAlex and others have pondered comes down to how you interpret these two charts 1/
Chart 1: since ~2017, USD/CNY has moved in line with changes in the FX deposits held at China's banks. That suggests the exchange rate is more market determined, but that market is onshore in China, with USD liquidity normally the swing factor. 2/
Chart 2: But the dollar deposits held in China's banks only occasionally move with US interest rates or US Treasury bond yields. And the move over the past year has been the opposite of what you'd expect. 3/
Everyone is excited about the prospect of China’s reopening. Households have been sitting on a pile of cash and might go out and spend it in the coming months. GDP growth could pop.
Why are financial regulators worried about financial stability then?
Let me explain 1/
As we’ve seen in other countries, China’s household hold savings rate jumped sharply when the pandemic started. It came down a bit in 2021, when it seemed like things were normalizing. But it rose again with this year’s lockdowns 2/
The actual savings rate is probably well below 37% b/c richer households tend to hide their income & spending as corporate transactions. But the trend looks right. We can see this in the PBoC’s depositor survey, too. Desired savings rose in the pandemic. 3/
China's official PMIs out this morning showed a modest contraction in manufacturing output (47.8) and deeper slide in services business activity (45.1). But this almost certainly understates the economic contraction that's happening right now. 1/
If we look at the higher-frequency data, it's clear the disruption to activity really started November 19, after about 80% of the PMI survey responses would have already been in. We can see this most clearly in the subway traffic data. 2/
The current lockdowns may be more narrow than those in March/April in that only neighborhoods & buildings are being locked down for the most part, not entire cities. 3/