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@apocalypseos

Oct 27

How Tavistock helped the ADL make the Jews “victims” — by L. Wolfe (1996) 🧵

In discussing the history of anti-Semitism in the 1940s, Leonard Dinnerstein, the racist propagandist for the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, reveals that the ADL published various instructions to parents, that they should make sure that their children were aware that a hostile world intended to persecute them. Dinnerstein explains that this is necessary because Jewish children need to know that their “Jewish identity” is not defined by their religious beliefs, but the perceived hatred of others for the “Jewish race.”

Dinnerstein reports that one of the key people who drafted the ADL’s instructions to parents was the psychologist Kurt Lewin, a member of an elite international network whose mother institution was the Tavistock Clinic (now combined with the Tavistock Institute for Human Relations to form the Tavistock Centre) in London. Created under the direct patronage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Kent, Tavistock was, and is still, today, the leading psychological warfare capability of the British Crown. Its network included outposts in continental Europe, North America, Australia, and Asia, with funding from British oligarchical families, including their American “cousins,” such as the Rockefellers and the Mellons. Under its umbrella were assembled the leading practitioners of psychiatry; but Tavistock, unlike treatment clinics dealing with individual patients, sought the development of methods of mass social control to support British imperial policy. Their leader, Brig. Gen. John Rawlings Rees, called them the advance guard of what he proposed to be an army of psychological shock troops, which, through mind-destroying therapies and drugs, would control world society for their oligarchical masters.

During the 1920s and ’30s, Tavistock had studied deviant social behavior, and conducted experiments in brainwashing, including the use of drug and electric shock therapies as treatments. They also looked at the effect of crime on its victims. Under controlled conditions, the Tavistock brainwashers could induce within the victims a pathology that was determined by blind, unthinking rage at those committing crimes and at the laws and institutions of society that “failed” to severely punish criminals. Such rage, turned into a political force, is fascist.

With the outbreak of World War II, Tavistock took over the control of the psychological warfare apparatus on both sides of the Atlantic. Rees became the head of the British Psychological Warfare Directorate, while Lewin and others of the network in the United States went to work for the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), profiling the effects of strategic bombing on enemy populations, but also profiling the effects of war and stress on soldiers and populations of allied nations. This led to studies of “discrimination” and prejudice in the military services, and, later, parallel studies of the Nazi experiment, which the British had put in power, but which had gone out of control.

Group brainwashing

Lewin had been one of a number of Jewish psychiatrists and others who had fled Nazi Germany in the 1930s. He had been helped out of the country by the American Jewish Committee (AJC) networks, and, upon arrival in the United States, had quickly developed a collaborative relationship with the ADL. (The association of psychiatry with the B’nai B’rith goes back to Freud and his early Vienna circle. Freud had recruited many of his followers from the B’nai B’rith, to which he had presented some of his initial papers. Freud, in his writings, rejects Judeo-Christian teachings and doctrine, but nonetheless maintains his “Jewishness,” which he claims to be derived from blood—a view of Judaism as a cult, shared by the B’nai B’rith.)

Lewin’s specialty that had attracted the interest of Tavistock, was the study of groups and the mechanisms by which they interact. In developing laws of what he called “group dynamics,” Lewin argued that all society could be divided into groups, whose members shared a set of assumptions about common experiences; if one wanted to control and manipulate society, then various groups could be played off against each other, by manipulating their perceptions.

The ADL applies Lewin’s theories in its dirty tricks operations. In order to control and manipulate Jews, it helps the formation of anti-Semitic groups, such as the neo-Nazis and the Ku Klux Klan, provoking them to attack Jews. It then uses these attacks to create a “reaction formation” among the “group” of Jews, which weds that group closer to the ADL. The question of defining prejudice as “psychological phenomena,” inherent in certain “personality types” or “learned through group experience,” is critical for covering up the dirty tricks of Tavistock and its ADL allies.

The instructions to Jewish parents, cited by Dinnerstein, are in a 1940 article written by Lewin for the ADL’s Menorah Journal. Titled “Bringing Up the Child,” it is a prescription for inducing paranoia: “The basic fact is that [your] child is going to be a member of a less-privileged minority group, and he will have to face this fact.” He urged parents to tell their children that even their best friends harbor anti-Semitic views, and that these might be “repressed” for a time, but will ultimately come out: “The problem is bound to arise some time, and the sooner it is faced, the better.” In about the fourth grade, parents should expect their child to be called “a dirty Jew”; worse persecution will occur in high school and college. The “certainty” of persecution should help parents “toughen” their children; they must develop a group pride in their experience, which they, in turn, must pass on to their children. That, he says, is how Jews survive.

A year later, Lewin published an essay in the Contemporary Jewish Record (June 1941) on “Self-Hatred Among Jews,” in which he argues that Jews, by denying their inferior status, were losing their sense of identity. Through cowardice and fear, Jews start feeling guilty about their “Jewishness,” and start to dislike their fellow group members. In the most extreme cases, he says, this leads to Jews discriminating against their fellow Jews, where they take on the personality of the anti-Semite. A better response, he indicates, would be to treat the oppressors of Jews the same way that they treat Jews-stopping just short of recommending Jewish Defense League-like “counter-violence” against “anti-Semites.”

(This same phenomenon was later to be described by psychologist Bruno Bettelheim, who became part of the extended Tavistock network. In his studies of concentration camp victims, published in The Informed Heart, Bettelheim discovered that, when moral judgment breaks down under conditions of extreme terror, a personality transformation takes place: Some prisoners take on the depraved outlook of their guards-the so-called Bettelheim syndrome).

The AJC’s psychological warfare division

Lewin proposed the creation of an action-oriented center, that would put his theories of group dynamics into practice among groups in communities. In 1944, the AJC, at the direction of Rabbi Stephen Wise, gave more than $1 million for the creation of the Center for Group Dynamics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, headed by Lewin and staffed by his network of Tavistock-linked brainwashers. The AJC had earlier established its own nascent psychological warfare apparatus, the Department of Scientific Research, which had, through cutouts, provided funding for some of Lewin’s work. Now, Lewin and the AJC merged operations, with Lewin simultaneously taking over the control of the AJC Scientific Research Department’s key project, the Commission on Community Interrelations (CCI).

In a letter to Rabbi Wise, Lewin wrote, “We Jews will have to fight for ourselves and we will have to do so strongly and with good conscience .... If we establish a Commission on Community Interrelations, we do so with the knowledge that Jews cannot win their fight without the active help of those groups within the majority that are of good will. It wants to work hand in hand with these groups. It will not try to use non-Jewish friends as a front to spare Jews from doing that part of the fighting that they themselves should do.” His draft program for the CCI called for using what he had learned in psychological warfare to fight anti-Semitism, wherever it is found.

The CCI was the prototype for the ADL’s notorious Fact-Finding Division. While oriented toward anti-Semitism, Lewin pushed it, along with his Research Center for Group Dynamics, to become a clearinghouse for all work on “prejudice;” as such, its operations penetrated and profiled black and minority organizations, trade unions, schools, and the business community, launching many research projects in the immediate postwar period.

Lewin, meanwhile, received AJC and related Jewish funding, for the creation of the network of institutions that became Tavistock’s main apparatus in the United States. For example, the AJC provided funding for the establishment of the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor; it also provided the seed money for the establishment of the National Training Laboratories in Bethel, Maine. At the latter, under a CCI project, Lewin’s personnel created the first “sensitivity training” sessions, to deal with “anti-Semitic attitudes.” Later, the AJC provided funds to put schoolteachers through the sessions, and still later, to create the leadership of the National Education Association; many of the destructive “outcome-based education” theories have their roots in the work of Lewin and the AJC.

Lewin died suddenly in 1947. Just before his death, he had been tabbed to spend a year at the new Tavistock Institute for Human Relations; he had earlier been named an editor of Tavistock’s new journal, Human Relations, created as a joint project with Lewin’s Center for Group Dynamics. After his death, his work continued in this country, through cadre he had recruited and, often, trained, in CCI and other projects.

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@apocalypseos

Jul 5

Let us once and for all put an end to the rule of kings, queens, and oligarchs of all kinds! Let us fulfill the promise of the American Revolution, for all the peoples of this Earth!

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@apocalypseos

Apr 5

The plot to blow up Al-Aqsa Mosque and rebuild Solomon’s temple would unleash a bloodbath throughout the Middle East and likely even WWIII. It is the legacy of Anglo-American divide and conquer imperialism coming from 19th century British Freemasonry, British Israelism (and its derivative “Christian Zionism”), messianic bloodthirsty Jewish Zionism, and the neocons. Each has its own apocalyptic “End Times” ideology of some imagined utopia which they openly proclaim can only be achieved through war and horrific bloodshed.

Read the full report: citizensparty.org.au/sites/default/…

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@apocalypseos

Dec 13, 2023

NETANYAHU’S GODFATHER: How British Imperialists Created the Fascist Jabotinsky

by Steven P. Meyer

Vladimir Ze’ev Jabotinsky (1880-1940), the patron-saint of Israel’s Likud party who also created Revisionist Zionism, and Chaim Weizmann (1874-1952), the decades-long chairman of the World Zionist Organization who was seen as the prime minister-in-exile of a Jewish Palestine, were both witting champions of the British Empire. They were instruments of Lord Alfred Milner and Leo Stennet Amery, the final authors of the Balfour Declaration, who craftily used them to secure British rule over Palestine as part of the 1916 Sykes-Picot agreements.

The British also controlled the leaders of the Arab nationalist movements, which they created and funded. They owned Haj Amin al-Husseini, a young radical, whom they chose as Mufti of Jerusalem. They funded his religious network and social organizations, and to give him status among all of the Islamic faith, they created the post of Grand Mufti for him.

The armed conflict in Israel today, which threatens to become World War III, is the continuation of almost a century of British-staged armed conflict between Arab and Jew that dates back to the Nebi Musa riots of 1920, just months after the close of World War I, as the British settled in to occupy Palestine. Eyewitness intelligence reports proved that British military operatives encouraged and facilitated the Arab rioting, lead by Haj Amin al-Husseini, against the Jews.

The Jewish armed response was led by Jabotinsky, and a British-trained Zionist military force that had been placed in Palestine at the end of the war. The Jewish Legion, as it was called, had no military significance. Its creation was opposed by the world’s Jewish community, including the small Zionist movement that then existed. But it was a major propaganda tool created by Milner and Amery to back up Sykes-Picot. When the war ended and the Legion demobilized in Palestine, it became a deadly weapon to be used for violent bloody confrontations with the Arabs.

The Nebi Musa riots lasted several days. Five Jews and four Arabs were killed, and 216 Jews and 23 Arabs were wounded. Both Jabotinsky and Husseini were made public heroes by their British controllers, and the results gave them the capability to recruit followers that would be used for future confrontations. The die was cast, but the stage for the conflict had already been set decades before.

1. Modern Zionism and the British Empire

Palestine had been a necessary imperial target of acquisition for consolidation of the Empire for more than half a century before the Sykes-Picot agreements, dating back to the 1830s and the efforts of Lord Shaftsbury, a leading Tory politician, and Lord Palmerston, his stepfather-in-law. Palmerston served as Foreign Minister from 1830-51 and was destined to become prime minister and master of cultural and political warfare.

Shaftsbury was a Christian Zionist and British Israelite, who believed that the Jews must return to Zion before there could be a second coming of Christ. Although he opposed Jewish civil emancipation in England, and was indeed anti-Semitic, he believed it was Britain’s destiny to establish Zion. Shaftesbury wrote: “though admittedly a stiff-necked, dark-hearted people, and sunk in moral degradation, obduracy, and ignorance of the Gospel, [the Jews] were not only worth of salvation but also vital to Christianity’s hope of salvation.” Shaftesbury’s writings appeared in the The History of London Society for the Propagation of Christianity among the Jews. Shaftesbury was a member of the society and, in 1848, served as its president.

In 1838, an Arab revolt took place in Greater Syria, run by Muhammad Ali, the Ottoman viceroy of Egypt. British Foreign Secretary Palmerston offered the Sultan of Turkey British help in putting down the revolt, and in return, Britain was given the right to establish a vice-consulate in Jerusalem. Once this beachhead for the Empire was secured, the British decided to use a fledgling Zionist movement as their proxy, to increase their presence in the Holy Land.

In 1840, Palmerston sent a letter to the British ambassador in Constantinople, instructing him to contact the Sultan: “There exists at the present time among the Jews dispersed over Europe, a strong notion that the time is approaching when their nation is to return to Palestine... It would be of manifest importance to the Sultan to encourage the Jews to return and settle in Palestine because the wealth which they would bring with them would increase the resources of the Sultan’s dominions; and the Jewish people, if returning under the sanction and protection and at the invitation of the Sultan, would be a check upon any future evil designs of Muhammad Ali or his successor. I have to instruct Your Excellency strongly to recommend the Turkish government to hold out every just encouragement to the Jews of Europe to return to Palestine.”

In 1845, Edward Ledwich Mitford, one of Palmerston’s collaborators in the Foreign Service and a political supporter, published “An appeal in Behalf of the Israel Nation in Connection with the British Policy in the Levant.” The piece called for the “final establishment of the Jewish nation in Palestine as a protected state under the guardianship of Great Britain.” Mitford reasoned that such a state would “place the management of our steam communication entirely in our hands and would place us in a commanding position in the Levant from whence to check the process of encroachment, to overawe open enemies and, if necessary, to repel their advance.”

With the introduction of the steamship in the 1840s, the most efficient route to India and other parts of Asia was through what the British call the Near East. Britain’s dominant shipping route now went from London, through the Mediterranean to Alexandria and Cairo by steamship, overland to Suez, and then continued by steamship to points east. Britain was no longer dependent upon the Atlantic currents and the whims of nature to circumnavigate Africa to reach India.

The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 massively increased the efficiency and shortened the time of travel, putting an even higher premium on Britain’s securing a base of operations in Palestine, as a northern defense of the canal. One of Britain’s motives in starting World War I was to finally secure Palestine, and they did that with Sykes-Picot and the breakup of the Ottoman Empire. No longer would the British have to entreat the Turks to accept the Jewish immigrants, which in British eyes were only surrogates for their empire.

Jabotinsky’s Imperial Roots

Every Likud prime minister in Israel has been an avowed promoter of the policies of Vladimir Ze’ev Jabotinsky. Some were personal protégés, others extremist leaders within his movement. The father of current Likud leader and candidate for prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, was Jabotinsky’s personal secretary.

The Likud prime ministers are considered an elite grouping. They are often referred to as Jabotinsky’s Princes, and to this day, Jabotinsky is omnipresent within the Jewish right wing. His picture adorns the Likud website, and U.S. Anti-Defamation League director Abe Foxman has had a framed photo of him on his desk.

Jabotinsky was a wholly owned and created asset of the British Empire. He was controlled by a political network led by Leo Stennet Amery, who became Britain’s most prominent Imperial spokesman and political organizer. Amery’s circle included the greatest names of British imperialism: Cecil John Rhodes, the self-avowed enemy of the American republic; the Coefficients group; and Alfred Milner, Rhodes’ mentor, who ran Rhodes’ secret society.

Jabotinsky and the creation of a Jewish Legion became Amery’s number one project, as the British moved to take over Palestine at the close of World War I.

Amery’s vision was that of Rhodes, who, in 1877, wrote his first Last Will and Testament. Only a bit more than a decade had passed since the British plan to dismember the United States in a Civil War had failed, bitterly. Rhodes, a rabid British race imperialist, had amassed his fortune through the exploration and mining of gold in Africa. Rhodes wrote that the purpose of his Will was: “To and for the establishment, promotion and development of a Secret Society, the true aim and object whereof shall be for the extension of British rule throughout the world, the perfecting of a system of emigration from the United Kingdom, and of colonisation by British subjects of all lands ... and especially the ... entire continent of Africa, the Holy Land, the Valley of the Euphrates, ... the whole of South America, the Islands of the Pacific not heretofore possessed by Great Britain, ... the seaboard of China and Japan, the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of the British Empire...” (emphasis added).

Rhodes’ secret society, and the intricacies of how it operated, are detailed in Carroll Quigley’s The Anglo-American Establishment. Quigley describes the British power elite and their purpose at the turn of the century. They combined important press outlets, created political institutions, and used financial power to affect their policy. This elite group consisted of the Venetian Cecil family; the political and financial trustees of Rhodes’ Trust, in which Alfred Milner was key; various banking institutions, including Lazard Frères; and the British royal family. Quigley describes a small inner core of collaborators, with two concentric circles of semi-witting and non-witting conspirators from Britain’s aristocracy and financial elite.

By and large, they shared the aims of Rhodes’ Will. They had one major enemy, the American System of Political Economy. It threatened the existence of the British Empire, which depended upon a mercantilist system of securing cheap raw materials from colonized, backward parts of the world, and shipping them back to England for industrial production and military use.

At the turn of the century, there were two powers in the world that represented the American system: the United States of America, and Germany, which had built its economy on the model of America’s great economist Henry C. Carey. Following the stipulations of Rhodes’ Will, his collaborators sparked World War I to dismantle a hated and threatening Germany, and to carve up Europe. They sought to secure and expand their colonial holdings by acquiring much of the Ottoman Empire, which would give them its oil holdings, as well as secure Palestine as a military buffer to the Suez Canal. In order to accomplish these goals, they also worked non-stop to trap the United States into collaborating with their warring schemes, and sought to diminish America’s industrial economy from within.

Lord Alfred Milner, who ran Rhodes’ Trust, was central to the secret cabal. He had been British High Commissioner for Africa, had won the Boer War, and had united South Africa as one political entity under British rule. That act gave Britain looting rights for the most important raw materials on the continent, and he derived much power from these accomplishments.

At the close of the Boer War, Milner recruited a group of the best and the brightest from Oxford University to assist him in establishing British rule in Africa. He recruited them to his philosophy and became each and every one’s mentor. Known as Milner’s Kindergarten or The Kindergarten, these individuals returned to London and would play a major role in both World War I and World War II.

As World War I approached, Rhodes’ secret society, under the direction of Milner and various other collaborators, went to work. Both Liberal and Conservative, they held in common a rabid racial imperialism. Their own writings detail their thoughts and aims. For propaganda purposes, they created the Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA), but they also purchased the Times of London and ran other crucial press organs to rally the public behind their aims.

Milner’s personal protégé was Leo Stennet Amery. Quigley describes their relationship: “Amery can be regarded as Milner’s political heir. From the beginning of his own political career in 1906 to the death of Milner in 1925, he was more closely associated with Milner’s active political life than any other person ... his associations with Milner became steadily more intimate. In his last years of public office, Milner was generally assisted by Amery (1917-1921), and when he died it was Amery who arranged the public memorial service and controlled the distribution of tickets."

To understand today’s Likud and the rest of the right wing in Israel, one must understand Amery and Milner and their role in shaping the British Empire. They used Zionism to secure the oilfields of the Middle East and defense of the Suez Canal. They stated this openly, as did their Christian Zionist supporters. This was geopolitics in the mode of Sykes-Picot.

2. Amery: The Empire Is ‘The Kingdom of Heaven’

Leo Amery’s son, Julian, aptly described his father in the 1988 introduction to The Empire at Bay, Notes from the Leo Amery Diaries. British Imperialism, he wrote, “was a civilizing mission to which the British peoples could dedicate themselves: one from which they would derive a sense of purpose and a source of pride.

This concept of Empire was much more than a political programme. It was an ideology that constituted a coherent system of thought to which every issue, political, economic, social, cultural, and even moral could be related. More than that, it was a faith. This faith would sustain [Leo Amery] throughout his entire life.

In Leo Amery’s own words, this faith and concept of Empire, with its responsibility for “civilizing other cultures,” was mandated by God. Amery is famously quoted as saying: “The Empire is not external to any of the British nation. It is something like the Kingdom of Heaven within ourselves.”

Amery entered Oxford College at Balliol in 1892. Aside from languages, his study concentrated on political economy. He became a Fellow at All Souls College and left in 1898, taking a post writing for the Times. He was recruited by Milner in South Africa while reporting on the Boer War, and was known as Milner’s mouthpiece.

Amery had a long dinner meeting with Cecil Rhodes in Africa, a few years before the latter’s death in 1902. Rhodes discussed with him the Rhodes Trust, and the establishment of a scholarship fund that would recruit talented young men to attend a special program at Oxford. The scholarships would be awarded to select students from the British Dominions, Germany, and the United States, with the proportion heavily weighted to U.S. recipients. The overt purpose was to recruit American support for the British Empire.

Amery ran Rhodes’ Trust from 1933 until his death in 1955. He joined the board as a director in 1919, and for the next 36 years, he missed only one meeting.

While at Oxford, Amery founded a branch of the Fabian Society, and established a close relationship with the Fabians Sidney and Beatrice Webb. He also came under the hegemony of Joseph Chamberlain, to become the leading spokesman for a tariff policy to secure advancement of the Empire.

In 1902, he and the Webbs founded the Coefficients, a secret dining club of Liberal and Conservative imperialists. The group of a dozen persons was chosen for their expertise. They included Bertrand Russell for science; Halford Mackinder for geopolitics; Sir Clinton Dawkins, a partner of Morgan Guaranty Bank, London, for finance; Prof. W.A.S. Hewins, principal of the London School of Economics, for economics; and Leo Maxse, a close collaborator of Amery’s and editor of the National Review, for journalism. H.G. Wells was chosen for his general knowledge. Of Wells, Amery wrote in his autobiography: “Our minds certainly worked very much alike in many ways and for some years we saw a good deal of each other.”

The format of the club required each specialist to make a presentation over dinner. Discussion ensued. Their intent was to create a Brains Trust that would make government policy.

Amery’s area of expertise was the military. Having covered the Boer War for the Times, he had become ensconced with a grouping of leading military personalities, and, representing the Milner Group, Amery was in the process of anonymously writing a 12-part series on the Army that would appear in the Times. The articles detailed how inadequate were the training and staffing of the army. He argued for a complete overhaul, so that well-trained troops could be efficiently deployed to the European continent and Dominions, in the event of a new war. In other words, Amery presented the reorganization plans for the Army that would allow the British to fight World War I.

Amery was already passionately imbued with Rhodes’ and Milner’s view of the British Empire in world affairs, and Bertrand Russell later described Amery’s presentation to the Coefficients: “... in 1902, I became a member of a small dining club called the Coefficients, got up by Sidney Webb for the purpose of considering political questions from a more or less Imperialist point of view. It was in this club that I first became acquainted with H.G. Wells, of whom I had never heard until then. His point of view was more sympathetic to me than that of any member. Most of the members, in fact, shocked me profoundly. I remember Amery’s eyes gleaming with blood-lust at the thought of a war with America, in which as he said with exultation, we should have to arm the whole adult male population...” (emphasis added).

The original Coefficient group lost many of its members, but Amery and the Webbs remained, as did Wells for a while, with Amery being the only original member left when the group disbanded in 1909. Russell dropped out early, but Milner and Sir Henry Birchenough, the chairman of the British South Africa Company, along with John H. Smith, chairman of Hambro’s bank, soon joined, as did others from Milner’s circle.

In 1910, Amery married Florence Greenwood. Her father, Hamar Greenwood, had emigrated from Wales to Canada, where he married into a family of American colonists who had sided with the British during the American Revolution. Her family was fiercely loyal to the United Empire Loyalist tradition, which combined a deep suspicion of everything American with an almost fanatical reverence for the British Crown and everything British.

On June 11, 1916, less than a month after the secret Sykes-Picot treaty had been signed, Milner was given a full page in the New York Times to make his case that America should partner with the British Empire. The article was entitled “Lord Milner Wants Anglo-American Union: British Statesman, Who Was Among First Mentioned as Kitchener’s Probable Successor, Believes It Will Bring World Peace.” The significance of the timing of this article cannot be overstated. Milner knew of the secret agreements with the French to move the war to Palestine and the East, and for the carving up the Ottoman Empire between the two. His article was placed to gather America’s support for that outcome.

A New York Times reporter had interviewed Milner in London. America had already entered the war on the side of the British, and as the United States would provide the margin of victory, it would have a major say in the settlement of the peace. Milner, the man in pursuit of carrying out Cecil Rhodes’ Last Will and Testament, was about to join a War Cabinet with Prime Minister David Lloyd George. The secret agreement to move the war to the eastern front would give Britain control over Palestine, providing a military buffer to the Suez Canal. Palestine would also provide a deep-water port (Haifa) on the Mediterranean for the export of oil. Milner needed the Americans on his side for the plan to succeed.

The New York Times gave Milner a glowing introduction. Looking towards the end of the war, Milner sought two essential agreements. The first, that the United States and Great Britain would have a cooperative purpose in handling the peace; and the second, that there would be agreements signed to establish a unified military to ensure the peace—and, of course, the British Empire. Those exact same demands were echoed less than a quarter of a century later, during World War II, by American Clarence Streit, who authored Union Now with Britain.

Milner’s words speak for themselves:

...What I especially stand for is the closest possible union between the various States under the British Crown. Always I have aimed as well as I have been able, at the accomplishment of this. This might seem to strike away from closer relationship between Great Britain and the United States. I do not think it need do that.

I believe philandering between nations to be foolish, but there must never be another serious quarrel between the States and England. I believe the greatest disaster in human history was the split which separated the American colonies from the home country...

The word ‘empire’ and the word ‘imperial,’ imperfectly convey the thought, and perhaps, have been unfortunately chosen. They suggest domination, ascendancy, the rule of a superior over inferior or vassal States. But British ‘imperialists’ of the modern school (of which I am one and ever shall be one), when speaking of the British Empire think, not of an empire in the old acceptation of the term, but of a group of States, independent one of the other in local affairs, although bound together in the defence of their common interests and the development of a common civilization.

Lord Milner then went on to speak of England’s work in governing backward peoples. He declared that she was doing America’s work as well as her own. Someone, said Milner, must bear “the white man’s burden,” and Germany had a bad record in this respect:

I do not believe America would care to see the British dependencies in Africa ruled in the spirit which has been shown by Germany in such few enterprises of the sort as she has undertaken. And I am sure that those in the United States who are familiar with the facts of British Government in India, would never wish to see that Government replaced by a Government of Junkers.

Milner ended:

... I was ultra-British—an out and out British Imperialist.

That is what I am and always shall be. I have given you my reasons for it, my reasons too, for thinking that British Imperialism, as I conceive it, should find favour and sympathy in your country, on which, next to my own, I base my hopes for the future freedom and progress and peace of the world.

Milner was a lying scoundrel. His purpose and belief were quite to the contrary. A March 18, 1917 entry in Beatrice Webb’s diary describes Milner’s more private thoughts. Webb’s entry is made at the conclusion of a briefing she was given by Tom Jones, then acting secretary to the Cabinet Committee on Territorial Terms of Peace, and a close friend. Milner was the chairman of this committee. “There is a vivid movement, guided by Milner and served by Amery, to prepare for another war, to complete the ruin of Germany and the domination of the British Empire. This gang of Power worshippers are running down the Russian revolution and minimising the entry of the U.S.A as one of the belligerents. They are bent on maintaining a ruling caste of a ruling race: they fear and despise democracy. Any aspirations towards self-government among British subjects, who do not already possess it, is sedition to be put down by machine guns and plentiful hangings.”

Milner’s private papers give credence to this report. After colonizing Southern Africa, he wrote: “I believe in a lot of virtual-self-government in the new Colonies, without letting the supreme control out of Imperial hands.”

Amery’s view was similar:

South Africa must develop as a white man’s country under the guidance of white men, and not as a bastard country like most of South America... In five hundred years’ time I expect the South African white man will contain a strong dark blend, and the end of all things may be a brown South African race.... That doesn’t matter, what does matter is that there should not be too quick a mixture now or for the next few centuries.

Amery was a eugenicist, as well, referring to the African population as “niggers.”

From the Jewish Legion to Berchtesgaden

Amery’s civil career in Britain’s Imperial Command was illustrious, varied, and colored throughout by sympathy for fascism. He joined Milner as an undersecretary at the War Cabinet, where he first met both Jabotinsky and Weizmann. When Milner became Secretary of State for the Colonies in 1919, Amery was posted as his Under-Secretary. In 1922, he joined the Privy Council and was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty. He became Colonial Secretary in 1924, and in 1925, he was concurrently given the post of Dominions Secretary which put him in charge of the Palestine Mandate, a post he held until 1929.

During the 1930s, as a member of the board of various British and German metal companies, he often travelled to Germany and monitored its rearmament. As Quigley reports, the policy of the Milner group was to re-arm Germany to go east to destroy Russia. Statements to that effect are included in Amery’s diaries.

In August 1935, more than a year after Hitler’s Night of the Long Knives (his purge of the Nazi party), and only two months after the signing of the British-German naval agreement that allowed Germany to rebuild its Navy, Amery met with Hitler. Amery gave Hitler his advice on how to strengthen the German economy. Amery’s diary entry dated Aug. 13, 1935 reads as follows:

At 10.45 the big open car, familiar to cinema visitors, arrived and K., myself and Dr. Schmidt, another expert from von Ribbentrop’s office, ... drove through Berchtesgaden up the winding road to Obersalzberg.... We were welcomed by a burly brown shirt ADC, like a jollier Göring, and then taken on to a veranda where Hitler met us and took us in to a room opening out on to it. He didn’t waste much time on compliments but got on to high politics at once. What I was chiefly interested in was his outlook on the European problem generally. On this he talked what seemed to me vigorous commonsense...

We talked—though it was about ten to one—for over an hour and a half. I did not find the hypnotic charm I had heard of, and no attempt to exercise it, but liked his directness and eagerness to let his hearer know all his mind. Intellectually he has a grip on economic essentials and on many political ones, too, even if it is crude at times and coloured by deep personal prejudice.... His immediate surroundings, like K. regard him as a universal genius as well as a national saviour. It will be interesting to see how he shapes in the next 20 years, if he lasts, and there is no particular reason why he shouldn’t. He over works and under-sleeps, but as he leads an extraordinarily ascetic life he may stand more of that than most. We got on well together I think, owing to the fundamental similarity of many of our ideas. But I admit we didn’t discuss some controversial subjects like Austria, constitutional liberty, Jews, or colonies. I did, however, expound to him my view that Germany should enter into preferential schemes with Holland and Belgium in regard to their colonies.

Amery was also an intimate of Reichsbank president and later Hitler’s Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht, whom he met numbers of times. It was Schacht who told Lord Lothian that Amery said the British were not interested in allowing Germany to have her colonies back, but there was no reason Germany couldn’t go east to build up her economy.

Amery’s friend and collaborator, Lord Lothian, a member of the pro-Hitler Cliveden set, naturally also admired Hitler. As late as May 1937, he met with Hitler. Amery’s diary reported: “... RIIA Garden Party in St. James Square... Lothian told me all about recent interviews with Hitler and Göring, describing the former as essentially a prophet and the latter as a genial buccaneer of the F.E. type. He says the Germans are very anxious to be friends with us if they can but that if we allow things to drift, ... they will solve it by force, in which case we are likely to climb down ignominiously.”

A proponent of corporatist fascism, Amery admired and advised Benito Mussolini, with whom he was in frequent communication. David Low, the cartoonist famous for his Colonel Blimp character, which made fun of the hypocrisy of the British aristocracy, published a cartoon in the Evening Standard of June 29, 1934, entitled “Signor Moslini’s language class.” It shows a bust of Mussolini as Giovanni Bull, towering over a group of Englishmen in brown shirts. Amery is at the center of the group. British Fascist Sir Oswald Mosley is standing before the group at a lectern, leading them in a rendition of “Rule Britannia,” sung in Italian. On the wall is a map of the Fascist Empire (British Section), with the countries of the British Empire highlighted.

Amery became Secretary of State for India and Burma in the closing phase of his career, According to his son Julian, “India was an empire of its own closely connected with the Middle Eastern and later with the far eastern theatres of war. Amery’s main task, working with two great Viceroys, Linlithgow and Wavell, was to mobilise the human and material resources of the subcontinent in support of the war. No less important, with the Japanese enemy at the gate, was the need to contain the efforts of Gandhi and the Congress Party to overthrow the Raj.

India ... absorbed Amery’s main energies throughout the war but as a member of the Cabinet he was naturally involved in other spheres as well. He fought a long battle ... over post-war economic policies where he feared that American economic imperialism and ‘anti-Colonialism’ would threaten the very existence of the Commonwealth and Empire.

Amery had a visceral hatred of President Franklin Roosevelt and his closest advisors. According to Amery’s biographer William Roger Louis, who had access to his private papers, Amery reserved special venom for Sumner Welles, President Roosevelt’s Under-Secretary of State who, Amery correctly believed, wished to break up the British Empire. He warned Lord Linlithgow in a private letter of Jan. 25, 1941 about Roosevelt’s Secretary of State: “Cordell Hull really represents mid-nineteenth-century vision on economics, coupled no doubt with the desire to create an American export hegemony in the world.” Amery described Hull’s philosophy as dating back “to somewhere around 1860,” which implies the economic philosophy and foreign policy of Abraham Lincoln’s collaborator, American System economist Henry Carey. According to Louis, Hull accurately identified Amery, Viceroy Linlithgow, and Sir Winston Churchill as the “arch-opponents” of any attempt to break up the empire.

Roosevelt did intend to dismantle the British Empire at the end of the war, and Amery’s response is revealed in a letter dated Aug. 26, 1942 to Robert Arthur James Gascoyne-Cecil, Fifth Marques of Salisbury, Viscount Cranborne, Secretary of State for the British Colonies: “After all, smashing Hitler is only a means to the essential end of preserving the British Empire and all it stands for in the World.... It will be no consolation to suggest that Hitler should be replaced by Stalin, Chiang Kai-Shek or even an American President if we cease to exercise our power and influence in the world. What I think is needed to-day more than anything else is a vigorous reaffirmation of our faith in our destiny as an Empire ... , regarding the war merely as a step in that process.”

Amery had a formidable will as the philosopher and spokesman of the Imperial movement. He was a prolific writer, rallying the public behind the empire. At the close of World War II, he wrote The Washington Loan Agreements, A Critical Study of American Economic Foreign Policy, where he warned that Roosevelt’s New Dealers could use the Bretton Woods agreements and the terms of the British war debt to the United States to dismantle the British Empire. Again he railed: “The object of American policy is perfectly simple. It is to clamp upon the world, and in particular upon the British Empire, the obsolete economic system of the last century.”

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Oct 9, 2023

David Lifschultz: In what may be regarded as one of the greatest strategic moves in history, the uprising in Palestine by two million Palestinians may bring down the entire world economy.

As forces from Gaza approach the west bank to link up, the United States has announced that they will despatch the Gerald R. Ford Aircraft Carrier Task Force to the area.

The problem is that the Kornet Missile of the Palestinians can knock out all the ships in the aircraft carrier task force if they come close enough and the airplanes on the aircraft carrier will be useless as the distances from the land are such that the missiles can hit the aircraft carrier before it comes into the range of its planes. It must be remembered that the planes have to make a round trip but the missiles only have to travel in one direction to hit their target.

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@apocalypseos

Sep 16, 2023

“Humanity has entered a turning point, a new period in world history. This is not just about changing the world order, reformatting the system of international relations, and the evolution of the doctrines and values that underlie the world architecture.” — Nikolai Patrushev

“Today, profound, truly tectonic changes are taking place. We are witnessing the final breakdown of the Western-centered colonial world order, which originated during the Crusades and took shape during the Great Geographical Discoveries.” — Nikolai Patrushev

“It was then that the foundations were laid for the inherently predatory Western model of civilization, which has existed with some modifications to the present day.” — Nikolai Patrushev

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