The state has a number of legal provisions at it's disposal to punish persons who say things that are perceived as offensive to a religion or belief. #lka
Section 3 of the ICCPR Act is one of them.
But to fall within the ambit of that section, there must be 'incitement'.
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'Incitement' isn't defined in the Act, but it generally means encouraging others to act in some way.
So, encouraging someone to commit an act of violence or discrimination (and if there's a real chance they would in fact act in that way) could be considered 'incitement'.
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If the speech concerned (however offensive) does not involve 'incitement', it falls outside the ICCPR Act.
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There are also offences under the Penal Code that can be deployed against allegedly offensive speech.
These offences are much broader than section 3 of the ICCPR Act, and can cover speech that doesn't involve incitement.
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For example, section 291B of the Penal Code refers to speaking words that insults the religion or religious beliefs of a particular group.
But a crucial element in this offence is that the relevant words must be spoken with a specific intention.
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The offender must have a deliberate AND malicious intention to outrage the religious feelings of a group.
If words are spoken without such a deliberate and malicious intention, they fall outside the scope of the offence.
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But there is little benefit in deconstructing or analysing these offences if the problem is not a matter of textual interpretation, but a matter of good faith or bad faith application of the law.
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If law enforcement officials act purely in good faith, it may not be very difficult to examine the relevant speech and determine whether there is incitement (for the ICCPR Act to apply) or deliberate and malicious intent (for s.291B of the Penal Code to apply).
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But if law is applied in bad faith, ANY speech that discusses religion or belief in some irreverent way, and can be potentially offensive towards some group, can be treated as falling within the scope of one of these offences.
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And, in some cases, (e.g. the cases of Shakthika Sathkumara and Sepal Amarasinghe), after a prolonged period of harassment and pre-trial detention, the total irrelevance of the offences is acknowledged, and the charges are eventually dropped.
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The judiciary has a crucial and time-tested role in being the guardian of individual liberty.
Sri Lanka's ordinary criminal law, and the constitutional safeguards that underpin it, recognise that judicial role.
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First, when a person is arrested, they have to be brought before the nearest judge as soon as possible. A judge must ensure the suspect is being treated humanely.
Our constitution and our criminal procedure law embody this principle.
Article 40(1)(c) of the Constitution provides that until Parliament elects a new president, the prime minister (or the speaker if there is a vacancy in the office of prime minister) shall act in the office of president.
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S. 3(1) of the Presidential Elections ...Act provides that ‘Parliament shall elect as president one of its members who is qualified to be elected to the office of president, to hold office for the unexpired period of the term of office of the president vacating office.’
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So many people today (including myself) were quick to doubt the authenticity of a letter posted on social media (revealing a state plan to block data tomorrow) when the TRCSL refuted it.
We should trust our instincts about the Sri Lankan state. It lies. A lot. All the time.
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We are pre-programmed to believing authority. So when a state entity says or denies something, our pre-programming kicks in, and we believe uncritically.
The struggle against state propaganda begins with a re-programming.
We need to think twice before we believe authority.
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State propaganda relies on our tendency to believe authority.
But it will quickly lose its potency if our first instinct is to doubt and be skeptical.
Until the state regains public trust, citizens must doubt everything, and believe only after verification.
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It is the CONSTITUTION and not the Sri Lanka Telecommunications Act that governs the limits of our freedom of expression.
Article 14(1)(a) of the Constitution provides that ‘Every citizen is entitled to the freedom of speech and expression including publication’.
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Article 15(2) and (7) of the constitution provides that the freedom of expression can be subject to restrictions as may be prescribed by law in the interests of inter alia national security, and public order.
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The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that the freedom of expression cannot be limited except in compliance with article 15, and each restriction must be reasonable.
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A devastating public health emergency for 2 years = no emergency declared
A crippling economic crisis for the past few months = no emergency declared
A country's leadership feels threatened by public protests = emergency declared!
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.@MASumanthiran and others advised the government to adopt a public health emergency law when the country was facing the COVID19 crisis, but that call was ignored.
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Many called the economic crisis a public emergency, and it would have been totally understandable had an emergency been declared to provide essential goods and services.
But the crisis was consistently downplayed by the government. 3/