The Byzantine Empire before Manzikert was a superpower; but, this single battlefield defeat & infighting led to collapse.
Byzantium had been through worse & was known for stubborn resistance.
What changed & how is this a warning to governments tempted to take a similar path?
Byzantine cultural & economic output during this period is huge; however, dynastic difficulties & corrupt imperial courts drained the treasury & enacted unsound policies. We’ll focus on the downstream effects of this which made the famously resilient Byzantine military so brittle
In the 1060s it’s clear, even with a lack of sources, that Doukid mismanagement had cost Byzantium much strength. But what about earlier? Historians seem split, especially regarding Constantine Monomachos.
Warren Treadgold emphasizes Monomachos’s reliance on disloyal foreign “allies” militarily. This is drawn from Skylitzes who argues that this cost saving measure was used to budget for other priorities & personal projects.
Byzantine thematic units were disbanded in favor of foreign soldiery & professional troops, the quality of part-time soldiers is alleged to have declined so much as to make this necessary.
Skylitzes claims military obligations were fully transformed into taxes in Armenia leading to the discharge of an eye-watering 50,000 soldiers in the early 1050s. During this time Seljuk raids had begun to ravage the eastern borderlands, making this an unbelievable decision.
John Worley suggests similar policies were enacted in the Balkans. The Pechenegs were pacified & saddled with military burdens. This encouraged the disbanding of Byzantine formations as a cost-saving measure, leading to military revolts.
But is this really the case? Worley himself questions the scale, validity, & effect of these policies. Is hindsight projecting issues farther into the past than warranted? Kaldellis believes so & praises Monomachos for adequate management of serious & novel threats to the Empire.
Although Pecheneg & Seljuk attacks were serious issues for the Byzantines, Kaldellis argues they were met adequately & no major downgrade of the military can be inferred. Psellos hints that the military suffered from neglect under the Doukids.
It’s possible Skylitzes, writing during the reign of Alexios Komnenos didn’t wish to denigrate the family of his patrons & preferred to end his history before the Doukids take power, projecting the issues back onto the previous dynasty.
The transformation of the Byzantine military from a dispersed, part-time, defensive organization to a professional & often offensive standing army was a slow process from the days of Nikephoros Phokas until its culmination under Manuel Komnenos.
I believe this transformation made Byzantine resistance to invaders brittle. As Arab raids faded the thematic troops began to soften & seem unnecessary. Taxes were accepted rather than military service & funds used to pay for professional soldiers.
These changes began in the core areas of the Empire & slowly radiated toward the borderlands as threats receded. The professional replacements provided the force projection & military power of the Byzantine Reconquista begun by Nikephoros Phokas.
However, professionals are more expensive & in far more limited supply. Military defeats & budget cuts more rapidly degraded a professional Byzantine army than those of the old Theme system.
As new enemies appeared on the borders & the treasury drained after Basil II, the military began to slowly degrade. However, the Byzantine military remained an effective fighting machine, seeing off many enemies & winning battles.
At closer examination much of this success is due to units of professional soldiers stationed on the frontier. When we hear of the successful repulsion of the Seljuks in 1054 and otherwise it is Varangian & Frankish units, not local militias, that are given the credit.
It’s possible Monomachos monetized the army obligations to be rid of ineffective soldiers. (did they refuse muster? Were they unreliable or unskilled in battle?) Whatever the case, Monomachos stationed enough professionals in these lands to see off threats.
As the Doukids allowed the professional force to wither, problems mounted. Especially as their enemies were gaining strength. As the frontier units dissolved, Seljuk raids penetrated deeper & more destructively into Byzantine territory, sacking Ani in 1064 & Caesarea in 1067.
It’s clear that the Byzantine military remained capable & large enough for Romanos’s semi-successful campaigns up to Manzikert. However, Romanos was forced to scrape together all the men he could & race around the frontier, furiously trying to plug the gaps.
Psellos, with his typical flare for the dramatic, captured the desperate & neglected state of the once great Anatolikon Theme when Romanos called them to muster. Clearly the themes had withered & with many professionals dismissed by the Doukids, Romanos faced a real problem.
Sadly, the remaining professionals of Romanos’s army were shredded in the civil wars of the 1070s. The situation became so dire that the Byzantines relied heavily on foreign soldiers until late in Alexios Komnenos’s reign whether Normans, Turks, Varangians, Franks, or others.
Another key weakness from the transformation of military obligations to taxes was that a collapse in the professional military would mean capitulation of the civilian population.
Unaccustomed to self-defense, finding the invaders offered a lower tax burden, or cowed by their viciousness, local communities accepted foreign rule with little resistance, most notably during the Seljuk invasions of Anatolia.
There is no better military defense than a militia of freemen, guarding their communities. However, they are largely ineffective in offensive action, a professional army is more suited for this. The founding of the Tagmata, professional units, were in part a response to this.
The Byzantine military trade-off in the 10th century allowed for stunning conquests but also underlying vulnerability.
What do you think? Do you agree with Professor Treadgold or Professor Kaldellis? Are there any other examples of this phenomena you can think of?
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The Crusader States, despite massive aid from their homelands in the West, were doomed to fall for two major reasons.
Let’s examine them & how this geopolitical situation is echoed in Levantine states’ current strategic predicament.
In a campaign that defies belief, the Crusaders conquered the entire Levantine Coast including the Holy City of Jerusalem. These lands were shielded from the interior by mountains, rivers, and the Dead Sea. Sea lanes to Constantinople & Italy connected them with wider Christendom
Although some terrain separated the Crusaders from inland it didn’t generally impede attacks. Crusader attacks on Muslim cities like Aleppo & Damascus ended in failure. Crusader forces were fragmented, too far from their power centers, & reliant on reinforcements from the West.
Plagues, invasion, economic collapse, and internal strife intensified during Marcus Aurelius’s embattled reign. Only through the brilliant campaigns of Aurelian & reforms of Diocletian did the Roman Empire survive.
But at what cost? Tainter argues it was civilizational collapse.
Diocletians reforms simply squeezed the Roman Empire & its people for all the resources they had. Under such an oppressive system they began to die or flee, those who remained did not resist the Germanic invaders/soldiers who offered a less oppressive government under their rule.
By sacrificing the productive population to raise revenue & maintain control, the Dominate started a death spiral as it needed to impoverish & alienate more & more of its citizens until there was nothing left things going. Not the army & certainly not the infrastructure.
Today, 570 years ago, Ottoman Janissaries poured over the Theodosian Walls. The Genoese fled when their leader, Giovanni Giustiniani, was injured. The Emperor threw himself into the hopeless struggle & died with his men. After over 2,000 years, the Roman Empire was no more.
The final siege of Constantinople is the last chapter in the swan song of the Late Byzantine Empire & a dramatic tale of betrayal, duty, determination, honor, and horror.
In 1449, Emperor John VIII died & his brother Constantine XI took the throne. Crowned in a small ceremony in Mystras, Constantine was never coronated by the Patriarch in Constantinople thanks to his support for a Union with the Papacy, an unpopular movement in Byzantium.
Earl Rognvaldr of Orkney left his misty & windswept island home in 1151 AD at the head of a fearsome armada.
The earl & his fleet sail south, to the Holy Land. This swashbuckling adventure full of fighting, feasting, & Rognvaldr’s own poetry is recorded in the Orkneyinga Saga.
Of particular note is a verse written by Rognvaldr on return from the Holy Land. Rognvaldr & his men had fought their way to Jerusalem but, on account of his meandering, missed the fighting of the 2nd Crusade. Rognvaldr completed his pilgrimage & allegedly swam across the Jordan.
Rognvaldr, like many Norse adventurers before him, turned his prow to Miklagard. Constantinople. The greatest city of Christendom & the seat of its greatest king. Many of his kinsmen were already in his service & Rognvaldr wished to make this journey himself.
@PaulSkallas’s coverage of our “stuck culture” has got me thinking about other periods of history where famous & powerful figures are not replaced by a successive generation of heroes.
First we have to remember what a “Dark Age” is. It’s a period for which we have little surviving media/literature, making our understanding of the time difficult & hence “dark.” This usually overlays with times of urban/population decline, political collapse, & economic shrinkage
In the past communication networks were more tenuous & media/literary output much lower. However, periods of political consolidation, urban growth & prosperity had more literary & cultural production.
You can learn a lot reading literature from Late Antiquity through the High Middle Ages. Particularly about the outlook & background of the elites & how their values shaped the trajectories of their societies.
For example, let’s look at Byzantium:
After the catastrophes of the 7th century, Byzantine texts lessen dramatically, reflecting the embattled state of the Empire. With material & urban decline the civilian elites that produced these texts largely disappeared & churchmen are our sources for the Byzantine Dark Age.
As our literary sources from Byzantium increase in the 9th & 10th centuries we learn much about the transformed elite of the Empire. The learned urban men of Late Antiquity have been replaced by tough warlords.
These men reflected the transformational change Byzantium underwent.