The transformation of Ben-Gvir from a fringe Israeli extremist trying to take down O’Connor’s coexistence-themed concert to a powerful minster overseeing the Israeli police force reflects the dramatic rise of Israel’s far-right.
Many Israelis remember Sinéad's open letter she wrote castigating Ben-Gvir.
Incensed after hearing Ben-Gvir, who was then 21, boast in a radio interview that he had succeeded in scaring her away from Jerusalem, she sent the letter to various news organizations.
On June 16, 1997, O’Connor — worried for her safety & her children — backed out of the concert organized by Israeli & Palestinian women’s groups that had sought to promote Jerusalem as a capital for both people.
Named “Sharing Jerusalem: Two Capitals for Two States,” the event was set to take place just a few years after the signing of the Oslo Accords, which created the foundation for the Mideast peace process.
Hard-liners like Ben-Gvir oppose any division of Jerusalem.
Ahead of her concert, British & Irish embassies in Tel Aviv reported receiving death threats against O’Connor. After her cancellation, fans & fellow peace activists expressed anger & dismay — some sealing their lips with black tape & protesting in the streets against Ben-Gvir.
In 1997, Ben-Gvir was an activist in the Ideological Front, an offshoot of the racist Kahanist movement. Rabbi Meir Kahane’s violent anti-Arab ideology was considered so repugnant in the 1980s that Israel banned him from parliament & the US listed his party as a terrorist group.
While Ben-Gvir did not take responsibility for the death threats against O’Connor, he told Israeli radio that his efforts had compelled her to drop out.
“Due to us she is not arriving,″ he said at the time. ″We are calling the pressure we put on her not to arrive a success.”
Following Sinéad's death, as Israeli media remembered Ben-Gvir’s campaign against her, his office denied he had ever threatened her. “Ben-Gvir said he would protest against the show,” his office acknowledged. “The show was cancelled due to the work of thousands of demonstrators.”
Ben-Gvir, now 47, was convicted in his youth of inciting racism against Arabs and barred from serving in the Israeli army because he was considered too extremist. Until recently, he hung a portrait in his home of an Israeli gunman who killed 29 Palestinians in a West Bank mosque.
As national security minister, Ben-Gvir has repeatedly sparked backlash. He has pushed for the creation of a national guard that critics fear could endanger Israel’s Palestinian minority, toughened measures against Palestinian prisoners & ramped up Palestinian home demolitions.
Sinéad's relationship to Israel only become more fraught following the botched concert. She became a supporter of the Palestinian-led campaign that calls for boycotts, divestment and sanctions against Israeli businesses, cultural institutions and universities.
After the Gaza war, O’Connor heeded the campaign’s calls to pull out of a concert near Tel Aviv.
But the cancellation of her 1997 Jerusalem concert was remembered the most in Israel — a country in turmoil as Netanyahu & Ben-Gvir press ahead with their divisive, far-right agenda.
In her open letter to Ben-Gvir, O’Connor described being haunted by images of Israelis & Palestinians fighting in the streets of Jerusalem.
“I felt saddened & frightened. I asked God then ‘How can there be peace anywhere on earth if there is not peace in Jerusalem?’”
“I ask you that question now Mr. Ben Gvir.”
“God does not reward those who bring terror to children of the world. So you have succeeded in nothing but your soul’s failure.”
The Palestinians claim east Jerusalem, captured by Israel in 1967, as their capital.
Even before the incident in 1997, Sinéad was a backer of the Palestinian cause, & has been known to fly the Palestinian flag at her concerts.
She played two gigs at the Israeli resort city of Caesarea in 1995.
During the visit she attracted controversy by getting in a scuffle with photographers near Jerusalem’s Church of the Holy Sepulchre.
In 2014, she stopped planning another concert in Caesarea after heeding calls from the pro-Palestinian Boycott, Divestment & Sanctions movement.
Sinéad had been negotiating to play the gig, demanding Palestinian citizens of Israel and Palestinians from the occupied territories were able to attend and perform alongside her.
“That was a bit of a hot potato and not settled, when someone who had no business doing so sneakily released the information saying it was confirmed, which it never was,” she told Irish music & politics magazine Hot Press in 2014.
“At the same time, musicians are notoriously stupid/ignorant people & I didn’t realise - nor was I told by my booking agent or anyone else - that if I stepped foot there I would in fact be breaking this cultural boycott & may as well be shitting all over the Palestinian people.”
“They were well aware of the situation but they didn’t fill me in when they were trying to convince me for a year to do the gig... next thing I’m the subject of abuse from everybody left, right & centre because I’m somehow sanctioning what’s happening to the Palestinian people.”
“I’m not going to go there because it’s a shithole, but in a way I feel sorry for the young people on each side of the situation who, because of a conflict that they did not cause, cannot have any type of normal life including music & musicians.”
Sinéad said that she has previously been accused of being a supporter of the Israeli authorities, but “nothing could be further from the truth”.
“Let’s just say that, on a human level, nobody with any sanity, including myself, would have anything but sympathy for the Palestinian plight. There’s not a sane person on earth who in any way sanctions what the fuck the Israeli authorities are doing,” she told Hot Press in 2014.
Speaking about the 1995 Caesarea concerts, Sinéad said: “There wasn’t a boycott & it wasn’t what you might call ‘a big deal’ & you weren’t fucking anyone over if you went. I actually hated the place so fucking much. I found it one of the most aggressive places I’ve ever been.”
“For the last 25 years whenever anything about Israel came on the news, I’d literally turn it off. As far as I was concerned Israel did not exist. So I didn’t keep up at all with anything that was going on there. It’s just a bad word to me, ‘Israel’.”
RIP Sinéad.
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Reform UK’s slick, stage-managed launch of a Christian Fellowship in St Michael’s Church is not some harmless Christmas-season publicity stunt. It is a clear and brazen step towards the Trumpification of UK politics, where religion is weaponised as a tool for cultural warfare and political mobilisation.
This is not organic Christian revival. It’s strategic political engineering.
Behind this development sit figures who have spent years trying to inject a US-style fusion of right-wing politics and religious identity into British political culture:
• Paul Marshall
A billionaire media financier with a clear ideological project: to build a hard-right cultural and religious counter-establishment. Through GB “News”, The |Spectator and UnHerd and other platforms he has amplified narratives about “woke attacks” on tradition, identity, and Christianity. The Islamophobic tweets he liked are disgusting. His network provides the media oxygen for precisely the kind of politicised Christianity on display at the Reform launch.
• James Orr
A Cambridge academic and prominent Anglican conservative intellectual, closely connected to the “post-liberal” movement and hard-right US conservative and Hungarian organisations. Orr openly promotes the idea of restoring Britain’s “Christian identity” through politics — a framing that sits uncomfortably close to the Christian-nationalist rhetoric of the US right. His advisory role to senior Reform figures is a clear sign of the ideological hardening underway.
• Danny Kruger
Long known for advocating a more “muscular” Christian politics, Kruger has repeatedly argued that the UK should explicitly root its laws and social policy in “Judeo-Christian values” - a dog whistle I explain in the next tweet.
This is the British echo of US culture-war evangelicalism: turning religion into a political badge, not a spiritual or moral tradition. His involvement in shaping Reform’s policy direction cements the party’s shift toward faith-infused populism.
• Calvin Robinson
Though no longer in the Church of England, disgraced former GBN presenter and political extremist Robinson remains one of the most prominent voices pushing an aggressive “anti-woke, anti-liberal” form of Christianity in the media — including endorsing narratives that paint inclusive or progressive churches as heretical. His alignment with Reform’s messaging shows how the party is deliberately courting polemical, grievance-driven Christian activism.
Together, these figures represent a new coalition: a British attempt to import the US religious-right model, with all its corrosive social consequences.
Using St Michael’s Cornhill — a church rooted in the conservative evangelical network — as the backdrop for this political spectacle is shocking in a UK context.
This is not merely a “religious event attended by politicians.” It was a political rally held in a church, wrapped in Anglican aesthetics.
The Church of England has historically avoided such political entanglement precisely because it knows how dangerous it is to let a religious institution become a vessel for partisan identity politics.
Britain is not America — but Reform UK wants to change that
What we are seeing is the deliberate construction of a political identity rooted in far-right themes lurching toward a contemporary form of Christofascism:
grievance Christianity
nostalgia for a mythic “Christian Britain”
hostility to minorities and multiculturalism
anti-LGBTQ+ theology rebranded as “family values”
anti-immigrant populism framed as moral duty
and a narrative of cultural siege identical to the US evangelical right
It is the Trump playbook, translated into British idiom.
This is disturbing, because once a political movement fuses religious identity with national identity, democratic debate changes: Opponents are no longer wrong — they are heretical. Policies are no longer argued — they are sanctified. Compromise becomes betrayal. And politics becomes a zero-sum culture war.
Britain has largely avoided this polarising poison. Reform UK is now trying to inject it directly into the bloodstream of national politics.
Reform UK’s “Christian Fellowship” is not about faith. It is the public unveiling of a British Christian-nationalist project — backed by wealthy ideologues, amplified by culture-war media, and borrowing heavily from the most divisive elements of the US right.
It is a serious warning sign of where Reform UK intends to take the country: toward a politics defined by religious grievance, cultural division, and the erosion of the pluralistic norms that have protected Britain from the worst excesses of American political extremism.
How have populist UK politicians and Britain’s right-wing press and broadcasters got away with repeating — day after day, year after year — the brazenly false and wildly misleading claim that we live in a “high-welfare, high-tax” country?
The claim that Britain is a “high-welfare, high-tax” country is a shameless lie—brazenly false—as OECD and OBR data consistently show: the UK's tax take is ~36% of GDP (mid-table globally, and well under the EU average of 40.5%).
The UK's total tax take of 36% is far under France's 45% or Denmark's 46%. Welfare benefits spending (including state pensions) is a modest ~11% of GDP—among the lowest in the OECD, well below the EU average of 17.5%, and just under half that of France (20.5%) and Italy (20%).
Not only has Nigel Farage shamelessly normalized far right discourse, but Reform UK have welcomed a new generation of young, radicalised, Andrew Tate fanboys who think it's acceptable to spread divisive bigoted lies and disinformation, and to make crass bigoted 'jokes'.
Joseph Boam is a radicalised 22-year-old Tate fanboy who started out as a Tory, running as a district councillor, then switching to Reform UK in 2024 and becoming a councillor in May 2025 representing the Whitwick division on Leicestershire County Council for the Reform UK party.
A former KFC worker, who has worked with his dad on sheds and property renovation, despite his total lack of any relevant experience or knowledge of the area, he was appointed Council deputy leader and cabinet member for adult social care—which ispatently absurd.
Across the West, figures such as Trump, JD Vance, Farage, Johnson, Tice, Kruger, and Lowe helped normalise far-right populist rhetoric within mainstream politics. Their appeal is anti-elite—yet they themselves embody the privilege they claim to challenge.
A multibillion-dollar scheme that exchanges cash from drug and gun sales in the UK for crypto—digital tokens hiding users’ identities—has enabling “sanctions evasions and the highest levels of organised crime, including providing money-laundering services to the Russian state”. theguardian.com/politics/2025/…
In 2023, the hedge fund co-founded by GB "News" owner Paul Marshall, who employs 60% of anti-Net Zero Reform UK's MPs, had £1.8 BILLION invested in fossil fuel firms.
Harborne (who has Thai citizenship under the name 'Chakrit Sakunkrit) also makes money from fossil fuels.
I and countless others are sick to death of the billionaire-funded Reform UK propaganda machine, GB “News”, and their decontextualised ‘facts’ that would make Goebbels blush.
Let’s examine the claim that “one quarter of foreign sex offenders come from just five countries”.
Yes, the raw data comes from a genuine Ministry of Justice (MoJ) prison census, but the way it’s being weaponised is deeply misleading.
The statistic sounds explosive, and deliberately so: a factoid engineered to sound like a revelation of hidden danger.
The right-wing information pipeline: a cherry-picked fragment of official data stripped of context, laundered through an opaquely funded “think tank” that isn't a think tank, amplified by billionaire-funded media, and weaponised by opportunistic politicians for electoral gain.