**LONE STAR STAKES**
A Deep Dive Analysis of Texas’ 17 Political Regions
Part 2: GREATER HOUSTON
TL;DR:
While still reliably red, Greater Houston shifted hard left the last two cycles. Its increasingly educated & racially diverse population bodes well for further Dem gains
Greater Houston (the Houston-The Woodlands-Sugar Land metropolitan area excluding Harris County) is comprised of 8 largely suburban counties surrounding Harris County.
(Pardon the rough hand-drawn lines throughout this thread, I drew them on my phone)
~35% of its population lives in Fort Bend County (Sugar Land/Missouri City) to the SW
~26% in Montgomery County (The Woodlands/Conroe) to the north
~15% in Galveston County (League City/Texas City/Galveston) to the SE
~15% in Brazoria County (Pearland) to the south
*Demographics: Race/Ethnicity*
Greater Houston is just under 50% White, ~25% Latino, ~13% Black & ~10% Asian.
In 2020, it was 7.5 pts more White, 13.5 pts less Latino, 1.5 pts more Black & 4.5 points more Asian than TX as a whole.
Fort Bend County, the most populous and fastest growing in the region, has the highest share of people or color (68%, up from 54% in 2000).
The other counties in the region are also becoming more racially diverse, but at varying rates.
Its share of White residents has been declining at a faster rate than TX’s since 2012.
Montgomery County (anchored by The Woodlands) & the more sparsely populated counties (Austin, Chambers, Liberty, Waller) have the highest shares of White residents (all 60%+ White in 2020).
Its share of Latino residents has been growing at a slightly faster rate than TX’s since 2012, due to a sizable jump from 2016 to 2020
Its Latino population is distributed fairly evenly (all counties were btwn 23-31% in 2020), w/ the highest share in Brazoria County to the south
Its Black population has held relatively steady since 2012 (consistently just over 13%).
It’s concentrated in Fort Bend County (~20% Black) to the SW (anchored by Missouri City).
The smaller Waller County to the west has the highest share of Black residents (~24%) in the region
Its share of Asian residents has been growing at a faster rate than TX’s since 2012
Its Asian population (mostly Vietnamese, Chinese & Indian) is concentrated in Fort Bend County (~21%) — which has the highest share of Asians in the South — & anchored in the suburb of Sugar Land
*Demographics: Education*
Greater Houston has a higher share of college grads than TX as a whole
Fort Bend County (47%) has the highest share of college grads in the region, then Montgomery (35%), Galveston (32%) & Brazoria (31%)
The less populated counties range from 10-23%
*Vote Share*
Now the second most populous region in the state, Greater Houston’s share of the statewide vote has risen in each pres. election since 2000 (from 7.1% in 2000 to 9.1% in 2020)
This is primarily due to rapid growth in Fort Bend County & to a lesser extent Montgomery
*Political Geography & Trends*
While Greater Houston consistently votes for Rs by double-digit margins, it’s shifted sharply left the last two pres. cycles (R+33 in 2012 to R+19 in 2020) — driven by ~16-18 pt shifts in 3/4 most populous counties (Fort Bend, Montgomery, Brazoria)
Here are maps of the 2020 results (left) & the shift from 2016 to 2020 (right)
In 2020, Trump won all the counties in this region except the rapidly growing & diversifying Fort Bend (which flipped to Ds in 2016)
But once again the more Latino-heavy areas shifted right from 2016
It remains to be seen whether this is due to demographic shifts (i.e. becoming less White non-college) or a specific aversion to Trump — likely a combination of both.
But it’s reasonable to expect these trends to continue if Trump is nominated again.
*Turnout*
Greater Houston’s turnout rate has consistently been a few points higher than TX as a whole, driven by high turnout in Fort Bend & Montgomery Counties.
Like most of the state, its turnout rate spiked in 2020 (from 63% to 71%) as TX entered pseudo-swing state status.
*What It Means for 2024 & 2028*
Ds likely need to keep up their momentum in Greater Houston to have a chance at flipping TX in the next few cycles
Continued demographic shifts should help them, but they should focus most of their persuasion & turnout efforts on Fort Bend County
Next up in this 17-part series is East Texas, the largely rural, dark red, third most populous region in the state.
Please let me know if you’d like me to tag you in future posts in this series (or if you’d like me to remove your tag, I promise I won’t be offended).
@schlagteslinks @SpecialPuppy1 @GarrettHerrin @eli_wilson04 @dannybarefoot @DrewSav @AlexODiazNV @JakeRugh @jyazman2012 @_fat_ugly_rat_ @lapinchedarcy @mcpli @LoneStarPop @Thorongil16 @lxeagle17 @HWLavelleMaps @SDS_Sunlight @seperez @LoganR2WH @JeffLindemyer @xroblockx And here’s my zoomed out view of where things are at/going statewide
It’s a special election so caveats obviously apply — and Texas has been such a tease for Democrats for so long that I dare not venture to hope — but 2026 Blexas is on the table if Latinos shift anywhere near this much.
They flexed their political power for the first time in the June primary
A key reason those polls were so off was because Muslims were under-polled (difficult to get to take polls, due in part to post-9/11 wariness of giving away any personal info)
My likely voter model estimates them to make up 8% of the likely electorate (they make up 7% of registered voters).
I have not seen other pollsters release their weights of Muslim voters in NYC. They should. They are the sleeping giant of NYC electoral politics.
@amitsinghbagga and I spent extra time & money targeting sample in Muslim-heavy zipcodes in our July poll of the mayoral race, and we still struggled to reach even the bare minimum of a readable sample size (n=50) for a crosstab subgroup.
Now that the Adams drama is behind us, and with less than four weeks to go until early voting, I’d like to see:
1) A renewed focus on Cuomo’s handling of nursing homes during COVID & on him seeking retribution against some of the women who accused him of sexual misconduct
1) He empowered a power-sharing arrangement between moderate Ds (IDC) & Rs in state Sen, which prevented NY from codifying abortion rights, enacting stronger gun control & expanding legal recourse available to people who were sexually abused as kids
2) He cut $65M of funding for a rental assistance program, which led to a loss of $27M in federal funds, leading to surge in NYC homelessness
3) He cut funding to the MTA and prioritized flashy projects over basic subway maintenance (plus had them bail out state-run ski resorts)
4) To balance the budget, he refused to increase taxes on the mega-rich, instead cutting funding to public schools (especially in low income areas in NYC) — and he called for cuts to Medicaid as well
5) He cut funding for CUNY (and wanted to cut it even more before he resigned)