Former President Trump intimidates a witness in Georgia case.
On right:
Georgia law stating that to release a person on bail, the judge will have to find the defendant "poses no significant risk of intimidating witnesses."
Note: That is a presumption against release.
2. As @AWeissmann_ has pointed out, Trump's statement against Duncan may also violate the conditions of release in federal January 6th case before Judge Chutkan.
The effort to overturn the Georgia election results is a core subset of that case and associated witnesses.
3. Trump's statement will be seen as especially egregious by the courts because he explicitly is saying the witness should defy a grand jury subpoena.
"Duncan, will be testifying before the Fulton County Grand Jury. He shouldn't."
4. Trump has a history of trying to influence witnesses.
(This July 2022 roundup by @MarshallCohen is a good resource.👇)
What makes this time different is that Trump has entered the criminal process, and there are strong mechanisms to enforce the law.
Supreme Court may well hold a sitting president is immune from trial/conviction.
Result: 18 co-defendants left holding the bag. Trump, if elected, immune (for 4 years).
Another reason for co-defendants to flip.
2/ The issue here is whether the Supreme Court would ratify the long-standing position of the Department Justice Office of Legal Counsel that, as a matter of law, an incumbent president is immune from criminal trial and conviction.
A few caveats...
3/ "The constitutional analysis may turn on whether a trial is already complete, and in the stages of post-conviction appellate litigation, which imposes less of a burden on a sitting president"
ABC News: “Prosecutors also wrote in court filings that they intend to drop the misdemeanor tax charges against Hunter Biden in Delaware and instead bring them in California and Washington, D.C. -- the venues where prosecutors say the alleged misconduct occurred.”
2/ Could put this more strongly: Trump could have WON the election and believed he won ... and several of the charges would still stick.
But let's just deal with the straightforward question: whether DOJ needs to prove the defendant knew he lost. Now that we have the Indictment.
3/ Even if Trump believed he won the election:
He can't lawfully pressure a state official with threat of criminal punishment and threats to the official's personal safety to find 11,780 votes (Raffensperger's testimony👇).
I would agree with them that Indictment uses a dangerously "broad theory" of criminal conspiracy if the allegations they describe in the indictment were, indeed, in the indictment.
WSJ says Indictment is about a president "lobbying his own Justice Department to investigate voter fraud."
On right:
What Indictment, actually, alleges Trump pressured Justice Department to conduct sham investigations and issue false statements on finding fraud.
3/
On left:
WSJ says Indictment is about Trump "lobbying state officials to hunt for voter fraud."
On right:
Indictment, actually, alleges Trump lied to and threatened Georgia official with criminal prosecution and solicited Arizona official to exceed his lawful authority.
1/ With due respect to National Review Editors - who've been good and strong on MAL indictment etc - this Editorial on #TrumpIndictment is very flawed.
2. The scheme was the effort to "stop the count" on election night.
The #January6th Select Committee Final Report concluded that the plan was premeditated.👇
3. New York Times (@maggieNYT Adam Goldman @charlie_savage @alanfeuer) had the scoop:
The DOJ target letter to former President Trump included "a surprise" criminal statute, namely, Section 241 of Title 18 of US Code (deprivation of rights).