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Aug 26 14 tweets 4 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
One of the major criticisms of HSR Phase II was that all the “economically viable” locations had already been connected.

This made the critical mistake of assuming cities are static.

Example: HSR came to Huzhou, a city in northern Zhejiang Province, in June 2020.
Image
Image
Known as the “City of Silk”, Huzhou is a Tier IV prefecture with an urban population of around 1.6M.

It has per capita GDP of around ¥113k, ~72% of Shanghai’s, which lies 2 hours to the east
But this is still much higher than Shanghai when it got HSR in 2011 (~¥85k).

And we all know how Shanghai took to HSR travel: Beijing-Shanghai is today by far the busiest HSR line in the world.
Or take Yibin in Sichuan, of Wuliangye fame a.k.a. “Poor Man’s Moutai” according to Guizhou人.

Tier IV prefecture with a 2.2M urban population that will finally connect to the HSR network this year.

Its per capita GDP (~¥78k) is only slightly lower than Shanghai’s in 2011. Image
There are still quite a few Tier IV and lower cities that still need to be connected to the HSR network.

Many of these are wealthier today than Tier I and II cities when they were first connected.

And bc it doesn’t take as much physical track to connect them, incr. RoI is high.
The other major misconception was that planners were “shooting in the dark” and building lines without a good idea that people would use them.

There may have been some uncertainty when the first lines were built - would travelers pony up 3x the ticket prices to get there faster?
But once the lines were rolled out, and planners saw that travelers were indeed willing to pay more - this particular risk largely went away.

The other risk was construction and technical risk. Could the lines be built at a low-enough cost and would the technology work?
On the construction cost side, it became apparent in Phase I that was China Railway could built these things at a consistent and predictable cost that could be extrapolated out across the rest of the country, across various topographies.

So construction risk dissolved too.
On the technical side, the 2011 Wenzhou crash raised this risk significantly and ended up setting back the industry at least two years.

But subsequent improvements and a sparkling clean safety record since lowered this risk significantly since 2011.
(After lowering maximum speeds in response to the Wenzhou crash, railway planners are now once again talking about raising them … beyond even the original 350 km/hr maximum)
The remaining major risk is then whether new line routes would have sufficient ridership to justify incremental investment.

But even here, the risks were largely mitigated by the fact that planners actually had a ton of data to work with from the conventional train network.
It is very obvious looking at these network evolution maps that HSR were built on top of existing conventional passenger routes

Ridership from conventional routes consistently translated into HSR ridership.

Picking new routes was almost formulaic.
Once all of these risks (market fit, costs, technical feasibility) were mitigated in Phase I, the risk-reward profile of incr. HSR investment became very attractive.

The key constraint shifted from risk profile to execution capacity - how quickly could this network be built?
TL;DR:

Once you analyze the economics and risk-reward profile of the 3-phase HSR network buildout …

… it is clear that contrary to claims of it being “increasingly non-productive investment”, incremental RoI is actually rising over time, especially on a risk-adjusted basis.

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More from @GlennLuk

Aug 25
When the first Chinese HSR lines were built, they were typically point-to-point lines.

As they came online, they replaced some conventional rail and air traffic along the same routes.

Ridership took some time to ramp up to reach full capacity. Image
As the network grew, some of these point-to-point lines started connecting with each other.

This had the benefit of tapping into other parts of an emerging, but still patchwork, network Image
Early network effects were seen when newly opened lines connected to existing ones.

When the Zhengzhou-Xi'an line was connected to one of these trunk lines (Beijing-Guangzhou) in 2013, the World Bank noted large passenger volume starting to come from connecting traffic. Image
Read 17 tweets
Aug 19
There seems to be a perception that China’s RE sector is just now bursting: lots of “guys, it’s finally happening!” vibes out there.

But actually the deflating process began a decade ago. What we are seeing today are the lagging effects of something a bit different.

🧵
Lauri highlights here the “stealth” crisis that nobody seems to remember from 2013-16 when the domestic construction industry, which had been expanding very rapidly since the GFC, abruptly flatlined.

Remember the global commodities slump in 2014-15?
We can see this very clearly in metrics like floorspace completed and construction employment, which peaked in that period.
Read 23 tweets
Aug 17
Good for prospective home buyers.

Bad for prospective home sellers.
Also negative for local government finances Image
@Noahpinion There was likely some impact of homeowners worrying about prices going up too much in the future, which induced some to purchase earlier than may have been ideal. So pulling some future demand forward.
Read 22 tweets
Jul 5
Here's Richard Koo's recent talk:

🧵of reactions to some of the key points, primarily on the comparison between Japan in the 90s and China today.

There are some similarities but more differences both positive and negative re: China's path forward. https://t.co/XJ9nwG7J2Hbilibili.com/video/BV1HX4y1…
Koo highlights how Japan's debt accumulation in the 80s was driven by the corporate sector and how the government sector had to step in later to make up subsequent deleveraging
In contrast, China's debt accumulation since 2015 has been driven by government borrowing (particularly local governments) whereas the corporate sector share has not been growing.
Read 30 tweets
Jun 30
If you never thought the history of taxation could be interesting, read this paper about the General Property Tax, or the “original GPT” as economic historians refer to it.
Blame the Vikings for your property taxes
The GPT means lots of well-kept local records which are great for analyzing wealth patterns and the drivers of inequality across hundreds of independent local case studies through time.
Read 6 tweets
Jun 30
I also had issues with it but this is the main one — its core thesis rests on the Party having adopted “consumption-led growth” when it has done nothing of the sort.

🧵on this + potential pitfalls of tunnel vision with “consumption balance”

@Brad_Setser @adamkwolfe
As Gabriel points out here, the actual planning document talks ab expanding “domestic demand” which includes both consumption and investment.

Chinese policymakers simply do not make the same distinction between “consumption” and “investment” that economists tend to do.
For example in the above-referenced document, they talk about housing as “consumption” even as economists typically categorize it as investment.

Moreover Chinese policymakers are clearly non-apologetic about the level and role of “capital formation” in the economy.

Read 23 tweets

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