Quick bare-bones Motion to Vacate procedural explainer. 1/
A motion to vacate the Office of the Speaker would be brought in the form of a resolution. If the resolution was introduced in the normal manner, it would simply be referred to the Committee on Rules, as H.Res.395 was when Meadows introduced it in 2015. 2/
If the resolution was offered from the floor as a Question of Privilege, it would be eligible for immediate consideration. Indeed, a Question of Privilege is one of the few ways an individual Member can unilaterally bring something to the floor. 3/
When a member offers a Question of Privilege, it gets immediate consideration if offered by the majority leader or minority leader. For anyone else, the Chair can defer consideration for up to 2 legislative days. Here’s Garcia noticing his Santos expulsion QoP resolution: 4/
When consideration does occur, the Chair first determines if the resolution constitutes a question of privilege. The Chair might entertain debate over this, but will eventually make a ruling. The ruling can be appealed. 5/
If the Chair rules the resolution constitutes a Question of Privilege (Gaetz’s resolution will constitue a QoP), consideration takes place under the Hour Rule. Prior to recognizing Gaetz for debate, opponents will have options to try to dispose of the resolution. 6/
The fastest way to dispose of it would be to move to table the resolution. The motion to table in the House is non-debatable, and thus would receive an immediate vote. A successful motion to table would kill the resolution and end consideration. This is the fate of most QoPs. 7/
Another option would be a motion to refer the resolution to a committee. This motion is debatable, so the Member moving it would need to successfully move the previous question before they could get a vote on the motion to refer. 8/
Both the motion to refer and motion to table could be tried; the motion to table has precedence, but neither excludes the possibility of the other. Members could also demand the yeas and nays and get record votes on these motions. 9/
It’s also possible to make a motion to postpone consideration of a QoP. 10/
If none of these methods of disposal are successful, debate would begin on the resolution, under the hour rule, with time equally divided between the proponent of the resolution (Gaetz) and either the majority or minority leader,or their designee, as determined by the Chair. 11/
At the end of the hour, the proponent of the resolution could move the previous question on the resolution in order to cut off further debate and, if successful, would setup a final vote on the resolution, subject to motions still available after the PQ (commit, adjourn). 12/
None of this, of course, touches the politics of the present issue, which are wide and varied.
But I think that’s all there is to the procedural basics. If any fellow parliamentary nerds see anything I’m missing or got wrong, please speak up. /end
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Why is defeating the Previous Question on a rule so much more powerful/dangerous than defeating the rule?
The answer is that defeating a rule is *negative* agenda setting, while defeating the PQ is *positive* agenda setting. 1/
When you defeat a rule, the leaders who brought the rule cannot set the agenda. But that's the end; you block them from doing something, but that's it. They go back to the side rooms and try to figure out what to do next. 2/
When you defeat the PQ on a rule, you block a *vote* on the rule and leave it live on the floor, open to amendment. You can then propose an amendment to it, and if your coalition that defeated the PQ holds together, you can pass your amendment.
I agree w/ cons worried about indicting Trump. Not b/c he's a former POTUS---that's irrelevant---but b/c he's a leading *current* opposition candidate.
That's important! We should guard against abuses, erring on side of non-prosecution in close calls.
But this isn't close. 1/
My basic view differs from a lot of people. I don’t think opposition politicians should be treated like normal citizens. They should not be prosecuted in edge cases, or even in somewhat clear minor law-breaking cases, precisely to guard against government abuse. Old thread: 2/
But that’s not what his going on in this Trump case. He was *already* given a ton of latitude and difference; any average citizen would have been in jail long ago on these charges, and no average citizen would have gotten their case removed to a special prosecutor at DOJ. 3/
You lose me pretty fast when you assert that changing the name of a U.S. military base to something besides a general who helped lead an army that killed hundreds of thousands of U.S soldiers is "political correctness run amok."
"Iconic" is one way to describe the leaders of a rebellion in defense of slavery, who killed 300k+ U.S. soldiers rather than accept the results of an election they admitted they lost fair and square.
Holding a positive view of the Confederacy and its leaders as a present-day American is dumb beyond belief, but pandering to that crowd as a modern-day politician is just pathetic.
This is fine as far as it goes---Dem votes could obviously be used to fend off a motion to vacate coming from a small minority of GOP rebels---but it would never solve the bigger problem that you need an ongoing durable majority to govern the House. 1/
Much like the Speakership vote, a move to bring down McCarthy can't be solved by a one-time cross party coalition. Without a durable procedural majority in the House, you can't govern day-to-day. The majority doesn't have to be a partisan one, but it has to be an ongoing one. 2/
A rebel faction could use the motion to vacate to force a vote on the Speakership. But they could also simply withdraw their support for the GOP procedural majority, by voting down the previous question on rules resolutions. At any time. 3/
This OMB memo is a good explanation of why the $130B in unspecified discretionary appropriations cuts in the House debt limit bill are unlikely to ever come to pass; once you have to actually translate them to specific appropriations, you wont have a House majority for them. 1/
And that's fine. But the bottom line is that everyone (Members, press, DC observers) loves to talk in aggregate budget when discussing cuts, because it's easy. No one wants to talk at the appropriations account level, except when saying what they *don't* want to cut. 2/2
And, to be clear, it doesn't even matter if you *could* get a House majority for specific cuts, since the Senate and/or WH would never agree to them.
Whatever debt limit deal is ultimately agreed, cuts will likely be closer to a haircut than -$130B in discretionary approps. 3/
Here’s an odd trend a Hill nerd friend and I have seen during debt limit fight—journalistic nomenclature that makes “Big Four” and “Four Corners” synonymous, rather than Big Four referring to chamber leaders and Four Corners to committee leaders, respectively. Your view?
Example, from Politico:
"TO UNDERSTAND WASHINGTON in the era of JOE BIDEN, there are no four people more important to understand than CHUCK SCHUMER, NANCY PELOSI, KEVIN MCCARTHY and MITCH MCCONNELL--the Big Four leaders, also known as The Four Corners."
To me, “Big Four” has always referred to chamber leaders, while ‘Four Corners” typically referred to House and Senate chairs/rankings of a committee or subcommittee, usually in reference to appropriations negotiations.